Rise of Chinese Soft Power

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Chinese exceptionalism: an interpretive framework to understanding China’s rise and relations with the world

Chinese exceptionalism: an interpretive framework to understanding China’s rise and relations with the world

But more than just maintaining party rule, there is a need to present the party as a positive attractive force so that Chinese citizens are able to actualize their aspirations only if the Party remains in power. This is where Chinese soft power and the practice of scapegoating comes in hand-in-hand. According to Callahan, a “positive Chinese self” is built “through the negative exclusion of Otherness.” 237 Furthermore, Chinese domestic politics and Chinese foreign relations are also intimately intertwined via means of drawing a civilization/barbarian distinction, “a positive, civilized inside takes shape only when it is distinguished from a negative barbaric outside…to understand the soft power of China’s dreams, [one] needs to understand the negative soft power of its nightmares.” 238 Hence the West becomes the source of Chinese nightmares, its actions and policies towards China – as the argument goes - are representative of a larger effort to contain China’s rise and to preserve Western global primacy and leadership. However, in order to persuade its citizens that this is so, it is necessary to incarnate the West in real, tangible terms which its citizens can relate to in their everyday life. Seen this way, issues such as the Dalai Lama, cross-straits relations, Hong Kong independence and the South China Sea disputes thus become surrogates for the West, whereby Chinese leaders claim to hold the moral high ground and are consequently perceived to be infallible. According to Rey Chow, what is frequently encountered in modern day China is a type of cultural essentialism or Sinocentric worldview, which draws an imaginary boundary
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Chinese youth volunteers in Ethiopia: What role do they play in China’s soft power strategy in Africa?

Chinese youth volunteers in Ethiopia: What role do they play in China’s soft power strategy in Africa?

7 an important part of American soft power around the world. This leads to the suggestion that successful models of economic development can be a source of soft power for China and other developing nations (see Zhang (2004), and Wang (2005b)). Chinese scholars also emphasize the importance of superior diplomatic skills and styles in enhancing soft power as well as sophisticated public relations strategies and tactics that can create a positive image of a country on the international stage (thereby improving the soft power of a nation). A popular example among Chinese analysts is Zhou Enlai’s refined diplomatic skills (such as his crucial role as an important foreign policy advisor and negotiator in establishing diplomatic relations with the U.S. in the early 1970s (see Maden, 1995)) that helped improve China’s status in the world from the 1950s to 1970s. Chinese scholars argue that in the contemporary era, it is China’s independence in its foreign policy strategy (more precisely, it is China’s resistance to outside pressure, China’s freedom from alignment, acting non-ideological and non-confrontational) and its orientation towards ‘peaceful rise’ that have made it appealing (see Zhang & Li (2003)). However, how this increased “appeal” is theorized and measured exactly (e.g. to who is China more appealing?) remains unclear. Moreover, even if we assume that China is more appealing (e.g. by hinting towards the fact that China has dramatically extended its foreign relations since the late 1970s), sufficient evidence that this is clearly connected to the above-mentioned foreign policy principles (such as resistance to outside pressure and freedom from alignment) is missing. In a nutshell, the Chinese discourse includes three sources of soft power
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China & Soft Power: Building Relations and Cooperation

China & Soft Power: Building Relations and Cooperation

Meanwhile, Jean-Luc Domenach insists on the fact that power relies on social balance, the creation of norms and technological innovation, and not only on strength (Domenach, 2008: 255-258). China’s cultural influence, and thereby soft power, is of substantial importance to the global order. Hundreds of Confucius Institutes have thus been opened worldwide, and more people are willing to learn Mandarin Chinese. Shogo Suzuki nonetheless finds that there is not much data regarding China’s soft power, due to the fact that similarly to American elites in the 1990s, Chinese elites in the 2000 have not taken this concept into account. Moreover, China’s rise is usually perceived as a threat with respect to its hard power (Suzuki, 2010: 199-200); its labour policy in Africa and its quest for natural resources have attracted negative feedback locally, as well as in the public opinion (Suzuki, 2010: 207). However, it is worth noting that China’s use of soft power within UNPCKO (United Nations Peacekeeping Operations) has been perceived as positive.
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Discussion: The local practice of “Global Chinese”

Discussion: The local practice of “Global Chinese”

Recent statistics seems to agree. In the surveys conducted by the Modern Language Associations in 2009 and 2013 (Goldberg et al. 2015), the enrolment in Chinese language classes in U.S. universities increased by 51% from 2002 to 2006, second only to Arabic (126%), and continued to rise by 2% from 2009 to 2013, despite the decrease in the total enrolment in all languages classes during the same period. Similar trends were also observed in the UK (Zhu Hua and Li Wei 2014). But the higher education sectors of the UK and US represents only a fraction of the global expansion of Chinese language education. According to Hanban (formerly known as National Office of Teaching Chinese as a Foreign language, or NOTCFL in short), in 2013, five million people took the HSK (Chinese Proficiency Test) worldwide, a dramatic increase from 750,000 test-takers in 2010. The increase of interest in learning the Chinese language is further boosted by the ambitious project of Hanban to establish Confucius Institutes around the world, emulating the British Council, Alliance Francaise, and Goethe Institute in their shared objective to strengthen national soft power through language and culture. As of 2016, there are 512 Confucius Institutes and 1073 Confucius Classrooms in 140 countries on 5 continents, and its expansion is most noticeable in East and Southeast Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe. At the same time, the number of international students studying at Chinese universities also reached a historical high of 442, 773 in 2016, with 60% coming from Asia, followed by 18% from Europe, and 11% from Africa (Marsh 2017).
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The Rise of Western Power: a Comparative History of Western Civilization

The Rise of Western Power: a Comparative History of Western Civilization

By p. 10 he is on to China, and its record of innovations. That takes one page, followed by three more that seek to explain why, as he sees it, China stopped innovating after the northern Song (which fell in 1127), and why its ‘greatest inventions, printing, gunpowder, the compass transformed the world, but not China’ (p. 11). He proceeds to compare China’s ‘contributions to world history’ (p. 13) against those of the Greeks and Romans, and finds China wanting. China, it seems, did not give rise to a philosophical system (as the Greeks did) that in turn ‘fueled anything as momentous as the Scientific Revolution’ (p. 13). Nor did it have civil law or spread Christianity as did Rome (pp. 13–14). China’s lack of innovation after the northern Song is explained by its elites devoting their energies to literary pursuits, aiming to qualify for the civil service. One can almost hear one’s Chinese history colleagues groaning as one reads these pages. Daly is engaged in a comparative exercise that in effect likens the trajectories of civilizations to a horse race. China got off to a good start from the Qin to the Song, thanks to ‘its enormous population’ and ‘good communications’, but then slowed. Europe was sluggish out of the gate but came on strong in the backstretch and approached the finish with a punishing kick. In making his comparisons, Daly relies on implicit yardsticks, the merit of which he does not discuss. Civil law, it seems, is a great contribution to world history, but Confucian thought rather less so. The spread of Christianity is a great contribution to world history, but that of Buddhism apparently is not. China history colleagues could easily write the reverse, in which the Chinese innovations are great contributions and European ones not.
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Sentiment Analysis by Exploring Large Scale Web based Chinese Short Text

Sentiment Analysis by Exploring Large Scale Web based Chinese Short Text

make corresponding sentiment analysis. In the social network information for social sentiment analysis, the corpus and data set in academic research are mostly from micro-blog, Facebook and other public social platforms. According to a report released by Comsenz Inc., owner of Discuz!-the most widely used BBS system in China, pictures a particularly young, dynamic and devoted BBS culture with rich statistical data: 68.9% of the BBS users are aged 18-30; 79.7% are receiving or have completed higher education; 69.7% have been using BBS for over five years; 79.8% have ever published or replied to BBS posts. These data demonstrate to us the extreme popularity of BBS among Chinese netizens [4]. For the particular group of undergraduates, we choose to university student forums as our data sources. Undergraduates are relatively gathered in these forums, and the content is targeted. Besides, forum texts are mainly short texts and are well-suited for short text sentiment analysis.
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Staging the Sochi Winter Olympics 2014 on Russia Today and BBC World News : From soft power to geopolitical crisis

Staging the Sochi Winter Olympics 2014 on Russia Today and BBC World News : From soft power to geopolitical crisis

With its emphasis on plurality, impartiality dovetails with BBCWN’s mission to facilitate ‘global conversations in new digital space’, thereby meeting the goal of ‘sustaining citizenship and civil society’ set out in the BBC Trust’s ‘Public Purposes’ (BBC Trust 2010). BBCWN’s flagship TV political debate show is World Have Your Say (WHYS). This is a one- hour weekly show in which a single debate topic is discussed by audiences from across the globe. A large studio to which multiple guests are invited on a rotating basis accommodates live video-links, with extensive use of social media, YouTube video clips, email and Skype phone-ins to maximise viewpoints. The Olympic arena in which a slice of the ‘global public’ comes temporarily together, provided a valuable soft power opportunity for BBCWN Through the enhanced participatory opportunities offered by new media, the WHYS audience effectively ‘effaced’ the presenter, now merely a passive ‘facilitator’, moving centre stage to become both subject and object of speech. The pun in the title performs a triple gesture, eliding soft power goals (this is BBC World’s flagship and a beacon for Britain), its promotion of pluralist values (World: Have your Say!), and its intention to exploit digital media to these ends (new technology allows the ‘world’ to ‘have its say’ in a global
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Soft law instruments in restructuring and insolvency law: exploring its rise and impact

Soft law instruments in restructuring and insolvency law: exploring its rise and impact

The impact of soft law instruments is discussed in section six. We discuss three ways in which – in the area of re- structuring and insolvency - soft law instruments have shown to be relevant. First, case law of the UK and USA has made substantive reference to the Global Principles (2012). Also, Dutch case law has made references to soft law instruments from INSOLAD and Recofa. Second, soft law instruments have also inspired legislators. We have seen reference to soft law instruments in the legisla- tive process in the UK, but most notable is the adoption of the Model Law of UNCITRAL in some 48 jurisdic- tions worldwide. Based on their soft law instruments, UNCITRAL, as well as the World Bank, assist countries in such legal reforms of insolvency frameworks. Third, legislators have extended their hard law regimes by includ- ing explicit references to soft law instruments. Within Europe, the EIR 2015 provides for a reference to soft law instruments on cooperation in cross-border insolvency cases. Consider also the proposed Preventive Restructur- ing Directive promoting the sharing of best practices in the training of practitioners.
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Chinese Soft Power through the Eyes  of Chinese and African Media

Chinese Soft Power through the Eyes of Chinese and African Media

By analyzing how Chinese and African media outlets reported on the 2018 FOCAC summit, this thesis has sought to answer the question: What are the implications of Chinese and African news outlets’ different discourses of the FOCAC for China’s soft power in African countries? I have explained that specific Chinese and African news outlets show more similarities than differences in both their textual and visual discourses. They generally regard the FOCAC and Sino-African cooperation positively, but they emphasize different discursive elements. Chinese news outlets use xuanchuan to stress the importance of political notions such as South-South cooperation, a “community of common destiny” and “win-win cooperation”, as well as other terms primarily derived from Xi Jinping political thought. Xinhua and CGTN, both state-owned media outlets, praise the Chinese government’s engagement with Africa and either neglect, understate or refute Western claims of Chinese neocolonialism and allegations of debt traps. African news outlets conversely emphasize the financial prospects of the FOCAC for their respective countries. They present Chinese aid as a more trustworthy alternative to Western financial aid. While there is a minority arguing that China presents a threat to Africa, both the many presidents in the articles and the televised interviews as well as the experts in the discussion and the Skype interview generally do not reiterate this view. In contrast, they argue that China is less threatening to Africa than the West, since the latter has in their eyes resorted to unilateralism whereas China advocates multilateralism. Based on the textual and visual discourses of the five African media outlets, I argue that the most decisive factor in how African media outlets frame the FOCAC is instead the financial gains provided by China, which African countries can use to industrialize and develop their own economies.
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'Self-power' and 'other power' in Chinese spirituality

'Self-power' and 'other power' in Chinese spirituality

When Chinese communities were devastated by natural disasters and state mismanagement, which resulted in famine and political chaos, and when all traditional ways of sacrifices, prayers and pleas met with no response, their faith in the world order was fundamentally shaken. People became uncertain about the power of the Lord, Heaven and other minor gods: Where was the Mandate of Heaven? Why did the Lord on High not keep his promise to protect and bless good people? Uncertainty led to doubt and doubt to tension between belief and rationality. Although some people were still convinced that humans were powerless and must look to the gods for protection and blessing, a significant number of leading thinkers turned away from external gods to humans themselves, and reasoned that they could no longer simply rely on an external power for their spiritual and material well-being. Instead they must search for spiritual resources within themselves. This turning within the human self for spiritual benefit represented a refutation of the traditional reliance on gods and initiated a new era in the religious history of China.
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Brazil, Soft Power and Film Culture

Brazil, Soft Power and Film Culture

backlash at home from supporters of impeachment was severe, and was particularly aimed at veteran actress Sonia Braga, who as a Hollywood player in her heyday in the 1970s and 80s served as a Brazilian soft power asset through her promotion of Brazilian film culture. 9 Sonia had no business bringing shame upon the nation, critics at home insisted (this was a widely used phrase on social media at the time), and she had no business commenting on politics, because she is based in New York. Criticisms were also voiced by the new Minister of Cultur e Marcelo Calero, who described the protest as ‘childish’. ‘It’s wrong’, he said in interview on national television, in a reference to the d irector Mendonça Filho, ‘in the name of a personal political position, to cause damage to the reputation and image of Brazil’ (Globo, 2016). 10 Mendonça Filho did not hesitate to respond directly to Calero via his
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Battlefield of global ranking : how do power rivalries shape soft power index building?

Battlefield of global ranking : how do power rivalries shape soft power index building?

Last but not least, the membership of key emerging international organizations provides a way for corresponding countries to enter the sampling basket of CNIGS (see Table 4). The emerging international organizations refer to BRICS and G20 in this case. First, the five members of BRICS have been included since 2013, which reflects the salience of BRICS cooperation mechanisms in China’s perspective. The emphasis on BRICS can be linked to China’s self-identity as a developing country. As has been reiterated by Chinese government and media, China considers itself as a developing country; China will remain a reliable and sincere friend to developing countries regard- less of the changes of international realities (Han, 2018; Xinhua, 2018b). The positive attitude towards BRICS countries not only derives from the influence that these countries exert on regional economies and the international economy (Ding, 2018), but it also recognizes the institutional infrastructure under the BRICS umbrella such as the ‘New Development Bank’ and ‘BRICS+N’, which underpins China’s growing significance in global governance. In this sense, monitoring the public opinion of BRICS countries will inform China’s foreign policy in the management of over- seas interest and global leadership building.
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Soft Power, Film Culture and the BRICS

Soft Power, Film Culture and the BRICS

significance of small-scale ‘indie’ productions that are beginning to challenge the hegemonic position of Bollywood at home, even as they are often presented internationally as examples of Bollywood. Yanling Yang moves the discussion to China. She examines the contradictions at the heart of the country’s international film strategy, arguing for increased creative freedom at home in order to improve the attractiveness of Chinese films on the international market. Finally, Paul Cooke investigates the relationship of South African film to the national soft power narrative. Like many of the other contributors to this volume, Cooke highlights the tension between the role soft power plays domestically, as a tool for nation building, and the way it is used to position the country internationally. Again, the case of South Africa reveals the need for national elites to be willing to cede authority in the construction of the national narrative to cultural producers, if genuine soft power is to be generated. Cooke discusses, for example, the controversy surrounding the banning of Jahmil X.T. Qubeka’s thriller Of Good Report at the 2013 Durban International Film Festival as child pornography, which it clearly is not. In sum, it is the aim of this volume to investigate the competing pressures across the BRICS that shape the ways its members understand film as vehicle of soft power generation, exploring the role soft power plays along the industry’s entire value change, from production to consumption, as well as the way it influences the types of films audiences around the world get to see.
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SOFT POWER AND INDIA: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS

SOFT POWER AND INDIA: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS

According to Nye the Soft power of a country comes from three resources: its culture (in places where it is attractive to others}, its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority). Though slower to yield results, soft power is a less expensive means than military force or economic inducements to get others to do what we want. The international and internal sources of Soft Power are presented in a tabular form below for easy comprehension. It is no gainsaying the fact that traditionally, power or hard power in world politics has been seen in terms of military power: the side with the larger army is supposed to win. But even in the past, limitation of military power had also become evident. After all, the militarily mighty US lost the Vietnam War. So also the Soviet Union had its Vietnam in Afghanistan . A September 11 happened on America in spite of its being the lone super power of the day in a world still described uni-polar and US- dominated .These and many other examples undermine the efficacy of hard power alone and underline the necessity and importance of soft power, i.e. both as an alternative to hard power, and as a complement to it.
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The alignment of small states in relation to China’s rise in power

The alignment of small states in relation to China’s rise in power

Multiple limitations were encountered during the research for this thesis. The dependent variables are limited. Overlap in United Nations General Assembly votes by small states on China were checked by comparing the power of China, regime type and trade dependency, and then checking their effect over distance. Other dependent variables such as states’ interests, culture and historical background were excluded. These factors are not included in this research due to its limited time and size. However, these factors could have been explanatory factors in predicting vote similarity. The data on the dependent variables ‘regime type’ and ‘trade dependency’ was not complete. Data sets also omit some small states which is problematic when doing research specifically on small states.
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Power and its forms: hard, soft, smart

Power and its forms: hard, soft, smart

115 Nevertheless - as pointed out by Kohut and Stokes - before the September 11 attacks, while the world acknowledged America’s superpower status and resented it to some extent, few, with the exception of some Islamic extremists, considered the United States a threat. America was not on the offensive, nor at that time was it threatened. The terrorist attacks changed that. America’s new offensive stance - argue the authors - has made the world’s only superpower and its policies the global issue of our time. The consequence is that now, US power is resented even by America’s oldest friends. “The rest of the world reacts to America, alternately because it fears America, lives under American protection, envies, resents, and plots against, and depends on America” 158 , argues Robert Cooper, a former special adviser to former Prime Minister Tony Blair. Some may argue that the terrorist assaults were merely a catalyst that hastened the world’s changing view of America, an inevitable metamorphosis, given the great disparity of wealth and power between the United States and the rest of the world. Others will maintain that it was the Bush administration policies, before and after September 11, that precipitated the change. In any event, the post-Communist resentment of American power emerged clearly in the run-up to the Iraq invasion. Following the war, Middle Eastern oil has been even more broadly accepted by the global public as both America’s real motive for invading Iraq and its rationale for the war on terrorism. At the same time, the Bush administration’s declarations that US actions are an effort to install democracy in the Middle East have spurred anxieties that the United States has adopted a mission to spread Americana values. This conviction was further reinforced by President Bush himself in his second inaugural speech: “the survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in the world is the expansion of freedom in all the world. America’s vital interests ad our deepest beliefs are now one...It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in
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INDIA’S SOFT POWER IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE  CARIBBEAN

INDIA’S SOFT POWER IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

Historically, India has shown little interest in the countries in the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). This is because of India's preoccupation with the other regions and the reluctance of our economic policy makers, businessmen and export organisations to make necessary investment to explore new markets (Narayan 1993). Furthermore, India’s perception about Latin America as a continent with huge external debt and India’s own inward looking economic approach stopped it from establishing trade relations with LAC. Geographical distance and language also created barriers. Latin American countries, on their part, had traditionally either looked to the US or Europe for most of their economic and political ties (Heine 2004). It is only recently, after the end of cold war and opening up of economies of India and LAC, that the two sides have increased bilateral economic and political ties. However, India’s cultural relation or cultural influence in the Latin America goes back a long way—even before Independence-- and it only got strengthened in the post-independence period. This cultural influence of India on the LAC countries is good instruments of India’s soft power in the region. Soft power creates a positives image of a country and creates a strong sense of desire among other countries to imitate and link themselves with the country with strong soft power.
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SOFT COMPUTING TECHNIQUES IN POWER SYSTEM ANALYSIS

SOFT COMPUTING TECHNIQUES IN POWER SYSTEM ANALYSIS

A power system operating under stable conditions keeps continuously evolving. During this process some or all of the following take place in the system. The load changes; generators and induction motors go through electromechanical transients; static VAR compensators, (SVCs), activate; on load tap changers in transformers activate; shunt capacitors are switched on and off; automatic load recovery takes place following faults; faulted components of the power system are isolated; faulted transmission and distribution lines auto-reclose; excitation limiters activate etc. Thus a power system under load is a dynamical system. During this dynamics, if the power system is to remain stable, the operating point or the equilibrium point of the system has to track a stable point in state space. However, the transmission system has a limited capacity for power transmission and generators have a limited generating capacity, on reaching these limits the system can go into voltage instability. At the point of going into voltage instability, the stable point of operation that existed before disappears. Thus the power system undergoes a transient and during this transient, the voltages decline causing a voltage collapse. It is to be noted that the state of a power system operating with low voltages but at a stable point, i.e. there is no dynamic collapse of the voltages, does not constitute a voltage stability problem.
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Strategic Communications and the Decline of the US Soft Power

Strategic Communications and the Decline of the US Soft Power

For the strategic communications of the United States to function properly in advancing our natio na l interests, especially in the soft power arena, the policy a n d act[r]

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A strong offence is the best defence? Russia's strategy towards countering terrorism in the North Caucasus

A strong offence is the best defence? Russia's strategy towards countering terrorism in the North Caucasus

Historically, one can beg the question if Russia’s military approach in the North Caucasus has been successful with regards to countering terrorism. There is of course no denying that Russia was successful in – for example – keeping Chechnya within the Federation. However, it also caused strong feelings of resentment which have fueled acts of terrorism and can aid the ability of terrorists to mobilize the population. The military instrument is therefore a controversial one. Let it be clear that this thesis by no means opposes military intervention. In some cases this is certainly necessary. However, it is important not to undermine soft power instruments by putting a greater emphasis on military hard power. Nevertheless, as was argued in the theoretical framework combining the full range of power resources effectively can be difficult. Russia’s demography in the region is a multicultural melting pot. Due to its military approach Russia has distanced itself from the local people, while at the same time stigmatizing them as crazed fanatics. The theme that has come forward during this research, is the significance of a unifying ideology. Throughout the centuries local people have sought to unify under different movements. Within this Russia must seek compromise and respect individual nationalism or religion. It is therefore important that the Russian government starts to invest in building meaningful relationships with civil society and the local population. The first steps have been taken by Medvedev, but they need to take these measures further. In this case one can argue that Russia should adopt one of the aspects of the UN best practices, namely the combination of soft and hard power instruments. If Russia commits to diversifying its counterterrorism approach it might gain more than by following the same path.
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