Here we address the above two issues by develop- ing measures related to interesting and well-written nature specifically for sciencejournalism. Central to our work is a corpus of science news articles with two categories: written by popular journalists and typical articles in science columns (Section 2). We introduce a set of genre-specific features related to beautiful writing, visual nature and affective content (Section 3) and show that they have high predictive accuracies, 20% above the baseline, for distinguish- ing our quality categories (Section 4). Our final sys- tem combines the measures for interest and genre- specific features with those proposed for identifying readable, well-written and topically interesting arti- cles, giving an accuracy of 84% (Section 5).
A yet to be published survey of science journalists working for British print and digital publications shows they are all graduates, and most have science degrees. So while there is no formal requirement for a degree to work in the industry, it is in line with Frith and Meech  assertion that journalism has become “. . . in effect a career for graduates” and Thurman, Cornia and Kunert  declaration that journalism is now “fully academised”. But after gaining a first degree, the route into professional science writing, either as a staff member or regular freelancer, becomes decidedly hazy — in the UK at least. While some writers have science communication or journalism postgraduate qualifications, many do not and so pick up the skills of science writing on the job. This contrasts with Bauer et al.’s Global ScienceJournalism Report , which indicated that most science writers around the world had journalism training of some sort, although even here, just 26% said they specifically had sciencejournalism training.
offering rich content, including info-graphics are virtually limitless. It includes relatively accessible material published in reputed scientific journals. Besides, there is investigative sciencejournalism, which is becoming very popular across the globe. However, the right kind of communication is a common problem. The responses, some of them from scientists, highlight the need to have more trained science communicators not only in the print, electronic and social media, but also in the area of documentaries and film making. All communication and journalism training institutions should have science communication as one of the core/compulsory subjects, not as an optional subject. Formal training would help; enrich skills of writers/reporters to write better scientific reports, scripts and articles for newspapers, magazines, short films and documentaries.
this framework to be used for sciencejournalism is a non-trivial task as that would entail understand- ing scientific content and translating it to simpler language without distorting its underlying seman- tics. To our knowledge, there have been no prior attempts within the scientific community to extend “Robo Reporting” to sciencejournalism, and this dearth of research in this area can be partially at- tributed to the lack of suitable data for AI algo- rithms to be trained. To address this lack of an appropriate training corpus, we have created a par- allel corpus of scientific paper titles and abstracts, and their corresponding blog titles with the aim of initiating this foray into automated science jour- nalism and engendering further research.
With so many outlets to file stories to in their publications there is simply no time for journalists to find and investigate stories. That task has been abandoned by publications and it is organisations with media and PR directors who now set the agenda. They drive sciencejournalism and foist their priorities on time-pressed science reporters who, wearily, manage to find time to rewrite the press release by demystifying the complex scientific language or arranging a broadcast interview with the scientist in question, which can then be edited for time and clarity.
In the news titled ''The British also favored Karatay'', it was said that The British National Health Service suggests to consume potatoes, bread, rice and milk, but it is not clear why the world accepts carbohydrate intensive foods. While science news was written, it is also important how the news is set up in terms of rhetoric. Rhetoric is a necessary element in order to be able to see what subjects are more important to the public in terms of sciencejournalism. It is said that drug is related to the aesthetic world of medicine, in the news titled "We produced a medicine that nobody could produce" (April 6, 2015). It is also described that this drug can be used in diseases such as AIDS and Lipoma (fat accumulation). Although the drug may be used for aesthetic purposes, the fact that the subtitle is based on an important and deadly disease indicates that these diseases may be more important for the public. The drug is for everyone and the emphasis on youth is on the front plan. These persuasive elements have been reinforced by statements such as "for younger hands" and "men are also very interested".
A particularly influential work, not only for comparative media research but especially for institutional theorizing of journalism, is the book Comparing Media Systems (Hallin & Mancini 2004). This work conceived news media as subjected to competing influences of the economy, politics, and the state and as going through different paths of professionalization of journalism. Hallin and Mancini analytically construct three principal models of media system liberal, democratic-corporatist, and polarized- pluralist which they take to explain some fundamental differences between Anglo-American, Northern European, and Southern European democracies. Despite the fact that these institutional arrangements still produce distinctive kinds of journalism in different countries, Hallin and Mancini argued that media systems gradually homogenize over time and converge towards the liberal model. In 2012, Hallin and Mancini followed up in an effort to de-Westernize this approach by expanding media systems research beyond Europe and the US (Hallin & Mancini 2012).
Female students’ career ambitions were shaped by ‘the continued male dominance of the public world’ (Splichal and Sparks 1994: 112-114). They were drawn to areas of journalism which were demonstrably more receptive to women (magazines, television), or likely to reject journalism as a career choice altogether (pp. 118-128). In the US, only a half of female journalism students aspired to daily newspaper jobs (Bulkeley 2004: 184). A more recent survey of journalism students in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden came to similar conclusions that women were markedly more attracted than men to work in magazines and much less inclined to seek jobs in national newspapers with minorities of up to 13 per cent intent on entering public relations or more generic communications roles. They exhibited ‘stronger creative ideals … but have less taste for investigative journalism’ (Bjørnsen et al 2007: 12, 24). An Australian survey of more than 400 senior high school students in three states in 2008 also found significant gendered differences in attitudes to journalism. The researchers concluded that, on the whole, girls favoured the audio-visual media as offering more scope for creativity than newspapers, and more ‘fun’ as work. The dominant symbolic image all respondents had of journalists was the female television news presenter (Grenby et al 2009: 17). Kretzschmar (2007, 218-220)
The learning curve for journalists starting their own business therefore tends to be steep and sharp. An entrepreneur needs to think hard about every cost: how big it is, what value it adds, how essential it is to success – and then whether to support it and if so, how. Evidence suggests that a common mistake made by founders of news start-ups has been to put too much money into what they know best and love most: the journalism. Many have hired news staffs before securing their financial underpinnings or attending to other components of a successful enterprise, such as the creation of effective marketing channels and the forging of key
Of course, many people love fast food, in news as at mealtime. But again, here’s where the user contributions come in. Users can take on a huge chunk of what is now the journalist’s workload and beef up the media outlet’s website with it, creating a portal for both the strong journalism and the press releases, as well as the hyper-local, hyper-personal content they are already beginning to provide. Users can contribute to timely spot news, event listings and coverage, much of the sports (including youth events), traffic and weather reports, and celebrity spottings. The basic crime stories? The police can provide most of them – as they do now, but through the media. The upbeat business stories that make advertisers smile? Press releases – same as now. The local council meetings? City councils have their own websites anyway, not to mention their own PR spokespeople.
Of course, journalism has always been about those things; the current changes are arguably just ones of emphasis, with greater weight placed on “guidance” than in the past. More thoroughly novel – and harder for journalists to accommodate within existing self-perceptions – is the role of community participant. Both providing and interpreting information are collective enterprises online and likely to become even more so as media websites integrate additional user contributions in an expanding range of formats.
It was indicated in Chapter One that Pragmatism is the philosophical underpinning for this study. The importance of the relationship among the philosophical assumption, the research design and the specific procedure for achieving the ends of the approach cannot be over- emphasized (Creswell, 2014). Mackenzie and Knipe (2006) contend that the choice of paradigm establishes the intent, motivation and expectation for a research project. Research paradigm or worldview relates to the development of knowledge in a particular field and the nature of that knowledge (Babbie, 2007; Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). Each worldview or philosophical position is guided by ontological and epistemological assumptions to which it subscribes (Merrigan & Huston, 2009). Ontology is concerned with the nature of social reality whereas epistemology refers to what is considered acceptable ways in which this reality can be got or accessed (Blaikie, 2007). According to Saunders, et al. (2012), different research philosophies are suited for achieving different things depending on the research question(s) a study seeks to answer. For this research which sets out to identify the contemporary challenges facing journalists and how their responses impact professionalism journalism practice in Nigeria, the pragmatic worldview which is problem- centred, pluralistic and realist-world practice centred and focuses on the consequences of action (Creswell, 2009) is deemed appropriate. More so, this research project has also made recommendations relevant to its findings.
Edward Dicey said that newspaper readers “like to have their mental food in minces and snippets, not in chops or joints” (quoted in Lee 1976, 194). The information diet provided by Live Blogs has characteristics of both mince and chops. Although, superficially, Live Blogs might be accused—with their short, frequent, and often unsubstantiated updates—of contributing to a decline in standards that some say began with the ‘new journalism’ of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth- centuries (Williams 2010, 49) and has continued with the ‘tabloidisation’ of newspapers in the twenty-first century (245), they also have characteristics—their intensity, level of reader participation, and engagement with public affairs—that recalls the early nineteenth- century radical press. At a time of economic and political upheaval, Live Blogging might not only be meeting readers’ changing temporal and spatial preferences for news consumption, but also delivering levels of participation and transparency better suited to contemporary democratic demands.
DOI: 10.4236/ce.2019.1010162 2253 Creative Education competence (Strohner, 1995; Wolff, 2009). Both philosophies are the soul of journalism teaching and learning. Second, although English as a foreign lan- guage (EFL) is “across the curriculum” in all content subjects at university level but a program like journalism is very unique in the sense that it is not taught in schools. Therefore, the learners deal with the maiden and varied content they never encountered before. Adopting CLIL is a natural choice for a discipline like journalism. Third, university entrants, in general, are linguistically weak in four skills that affect their grade achievement as a consequence of which they lack in motivation, interest, involvement, enthusiasm and curiosity. Emphasis over EFL skill development through CLIL can make their learning better, easier and faster. Fourth, CLIL is not a high-tech idea that cannot be implemented in Ethiopian context. As a matter of fact, it is a policy decision which can go with the available scarce resources. Fifth, employers always complain that universities are not producing competent and state-of-the-art journalists. Emphasis over innovative pedagogy; higher order conceptual and critical thinking activities; cognitively and conceptually challenging tasks; and process-oriented assessment techniques through CLIL can bring change. It goes without saying that learning is max- imized if learners use language with the content involvement. Lastly, exposure to FL outside the classroom is scarce in Ethiopian context which justifies the need for linguistic scaffolding to the journalism undergraduates. The good thing is that language teaching is not allowed in CLIL classes but the didactics is centered on content thrived interactions. The CLIL approach has already been introduced into Higher Education in European universities through European Space of Higher Education (ESHE), Latin American and South East Asian countries to meet the needs of rapid internationalization. At tertiary level, English is a me- dium of instruction automatically correlate with the introduction of CLIL and it can be a professional development catalyst (Coyle et al., 2010).
Third, Emily Bell stresses the commercial and technological reasons why journalism is out of touch with the concerns of the mass of ordinary people and highlights the fact that pressure to produce either quality journalism or quick journalism often militates against the sort of low-key, everyday journalism that was often at the core of important structural
Journalism is losing that ability to control, where it was considered the fourth power in a democracy. On the one hand are the servitudes of the lack of independence of media companies, precarious employment in journalism and the very logic of profit-making applied to journalistic production. On the other hand is a change in the position of journalism in the public space, from a scenario in which newspapers and journalism occupied a central space among the media, to a scenario of global competition in communication markets: the supply of different contents is multiplied, and journalism has to compete for audiences and advertising with entertainment, sports or fiction; new companies are appearing that make content available for users through new technologies, where public or mass communication mixes with group and personal communications; there is a restructuring of the audience share of different media and different content; and the media markets become international. The crises of journalism in this scenario have many parallelism with the situation described by McChesney for the United States (McChesney, 2010).
Dutch news site De Correspondent has begun practicing prospective (future-oriented) journalism by creating additional beats. Reporters not only focus on politics, health, entertainment, and other tradi- tional beats, but the news outlet has named a corre- spondent vooruitgang which translates to “progress correspondent whose stories very often look at uto- pias – future societal scenarios.” Additionally, they have a correspondent vindingrijkheid & vernieuw- ers, which is a “curiosity and innovators” beat. This dedication of resources to forward-looking stories about growth and advancement shows the news or- ganization’s commitment to prospective journalism as a way to execute constructive storytelling. The edi- tors think this type of reporting is valuable and con- sistently highlight their constructive journalism ap- proach when outlining their goals (Pfauth, 2015).
In this chapter, we relate issues of journalism and geography to the Herald’s coverage of Liberty Square and to other processes of place-making in the news that explain the form and function of dominant power meanings, which appear in coverage of everyday events (Gutsche 2014b). We argue that the hegemonic act of place-making extends mythical and archetypal elements of journalism as cultural storytelling (Lule 2001; McGee 1980) to naturalize a geography and its people with- in dominant audience interpretations and assignments of worth. This chapter, then, examines intersections of journalism and geography in practice and ideol- ogy through an interdisciplinary narrative to present two main arguments: First, journalism provides cultural explanations rooted in dominant ideology through mythical characterizations and discussions of geography. Second, geography holds particular types of meanings specific to journalists and to audiences, which are increasingly problematized by global journalistic endeavors, the ability of the press to push content based upon geographic location, and the agency of audiences to pull information specific to their locations or interests.
These changes have forced tabloids to move into viral news sites like BuzzFeed that publish compilations of highly clickable content rarely covering news events. Although viral news websites represent a niche audience behavior at odds with the readership and content of tabloid media, clickbait news sites can also represent a phenomenon of extreme tabloidization, with celebrity news as an endemic phenomenon that has found a place across the entire news business and beyond the niche market of tabloid media. Journalists currently working between the divides of broadsheet and tabloid, online and print, are familiarized with such challenges and have to employ strategies to navigate a precarious and embattled professional workforce. It seems that for such workers, and particularly for those working at the crossroads between digital and tabloid journalism, the reality of digital journalism is not entirely clear, and the future is even less so.
opportunities for contributions from readers. In-depth interviews with senior news executives revealed this expansion is taking place despite residual doubts about the editorial and commercial value of material from the public. The study identified a shift towards the use of moderation due to editors’ persistent concerns about reputation, trust, and legal liabilities; indicating that UK newspaper websites are adopting a traditional gate-keeping role towards UGC. The findings suggest a gate-keeping approach may offer a model for the integration of UGC, with professional news organisations providing editorial structures to bring different voices into their news reporting, filtering and aggregating UGC in ways they believe to be useful and valuable to their audience. While this research looked at UGC initiatives in the context of the UK newspaper industry, it has broad relevance as professional journalists tend to share a similar set of norms. The British experience offers valuable lessons for news executives making their first forays into this area and for academics studying the field of participatory journalism.