The Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS), in its assessment of the combination of knowl- edge using two primary methods of HIV prevention, reported that more than 70% of respondents know both methods (use of condom and being faithful to one unin- fected partner who has no other partners) minimize the chances of transmitting new HIV infection. 23 Also, know- ing the HIV status of yourself and your sexual partner prior to having risky sexual intercourse can lessen the likelihood of spreading the new HIV infection. The THMIS conducted in 2011 – 2012 revealed that 79% of women and 84% of men said that a woman is justi ﬁ ed in asking the use of a condom if she knows her husband has an STI. 18 Although, the relationship between STI detection and the knowledge of ABCD in isolation have been identi ﬁ ed, 23 the research studies on the existence of a combined knowledge of ABCD of HIV prevention through condom use among women and men aged 15 – 64 years in high and low HIV prevalence regions of mainland Tanzania is novel. Thus, the present study addressed the role of combined knowledge of ABCD of HIV prevention on condom use in the Njombe and Tanga regions of Tanzania.
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Psychological factors are major determinants of the intensi- ty of sexual desire. Yura and Walsh (1983) state that atti- tudes, knowledge, and expectations of one’s self and one’s sexual partner impact personal behavior. Sexual attitudes, knowledge, and sexual experiences in earlier years are closely interwoven with sexual desire (Butler, Lewis, Hoffman, & Whitehead, 1994). Negative attitudes toward sex among older women and men are common (Story, 1989). In part, these attitudes reflect America’s youth-ori- ented culture. American popular culture equates sex appeal with the characteristics of a youthful body, such as a firm body and smooth skin (Levy, 1994). Another contributor is the emphasis on reproduction. In populations where the pri- mary purpose of sexual intimacy is seen as reproduction, it is considered inappropriate for a post-menopausal woman to continue to be sexually active (Deacon, Minichiello, & Plummer, 1995; Levy; Story). We are especially interested in the relative impact of such attitudes on sexual desire.
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the survey, according to background characteristics. Most men (98.7%) had only one sexual partner during the year preceding the survey; 1.3% had more than one sexual partner. Nearly 1.8% men in Slum and 1.0% men in Non-slum reported having more than one sexual partner. The proportion of men with multiple sexual partners is higher among men who are under age 25 years than are 25 years or older; among under age 25 years it is higher in non-slum (7.2%) than slum (4.9%). Considerably a higher proportion of men with 5 years of education re- ported having multiple sexual partners. Nearly 11.7% never married men had multiple sexual partners during the year preceding the survey (13.2% in slum, 10.6% in non-slum). Among those who had pre-marital sexual rela- tionship, 4.1% men reported having more than one sexual partner; it is high among men in non-slum (5.9%) than slum (2.1%). Only 1.4% consistent condom users reported more than one sexual partner (2.0% in slum; 1.0% in non-slum). Among Cities, overall higher proportion of multiple sexual partners was observed in Meerut fol- lowed by Nagpur, Indore, Hyderabad, Chennai, Delhi City, and Mumbai. Distribution by slum and non slum il- lustrates that it was higher among men in Delhi city and Meerut slum followed by Nagpur and Hyderabad whereas in non-slum, it was higher in Meerut followed by Indore and Nagpur. Almost 2.2% men in middle class reported more than one sexual partner followed by richer, and richest. More slum men reported having multiple sexual partners than non-slum in all categories. Among slum, men in middle class reported having more multi- ple sexual partners followed by richer, and richest class. There was a modest decline with age in the proportion of men who reported multiple sexual partners among men in slum.
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The rehabilitation program was positive because among other benefits, the patient began to feel comfortable dur- ing sexual activity, let the sexual partner look at her during sexual intercourse, was not ashamed of her dysfunction, participated more in the relationship, was more active, and adopted other sexual positions. By contrast, the pa- tient complained of difficulties in executing movements and not being able to reach the levels of sexual arousal that she experienced before the disease onset. Her confu- sion and embarrassment regarding caresses of the lower extremity and genitalia were lower after therapy.
The racial and ethnic distribution for this study sample was 59% white, 12% black, 13% Hispanic, 9% Asian, and 7% other. Mean participant age was 20.4 years ( ⫾ 2.1 years), mean age of menarche was 12.3 years (⫾1.2 years), and mean age of first sexual in- tercourse was 16.7 years ( ⫾ 1.8 years). Mean lifetime number of sexual partners was 4.2 (⫾3.9), mean number of sexual partners in the past 6 months was 1.3 (⫾0.9), and mean frequency of vaginal inter- course in the previous 6 months was 1.4 times per week. Condom use during the past 6 months was reported by 144 participants (28.8%) as never or rarely, by 80 participants (16.0%) as sometimes, and by 259 participants (51.8%) as most or all of the time. Forty-seven percent reported use of oral contracep- tives in the previous 6 months, and 10% reported a history of an STI other than HPV. More than 25% of participants reported having smoked at least 100 cigarettes in the past, 152 (42.0%) drank alcohol at least once a week, and 30 (8.5%) used illicit drugs at least once a week. The mean score on the scale mea- suring alcohol and drug use related to sexual behav- iors was 3.4 out of a possible 9. The mean age of the main sexual partner was 21.3 years ( ⫾ 2.8 years). The racial distribution of the main sexual partner was 47.8% white, 10.6% black, 11.0% Hispanic, 2.4% Asian, and 28.2% other. The mean number of part- ners’ sexual partners was 2.6 ( ⫾ 2.5). The racial and ethnic distribution of the participants was represen- tative of the ethnic distribution of the total female undergraduate population. Compared with nonpar- ticipants, participants were slightly older and had
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a greater degree of pain during intercourse and a higher frequency of fear of sexual intercourse and penetration and lower levels of satisfaction (Fig. 1). The total ISBI score among migraine sufferers was significantly lower than in non-sufferers (mean rank 49.5 vs. 68.9; p = 0.01). Multi- variable analysis showed that migraine, absence of regular sexual partner, and self-reported religiousness (traditional or orthodox) was independently associated with lower ISBI scores. Among these predictors, migraine had the strongest relationship with the dependent variable (Table 3). The adjusted R 2 of this model was 0.17.
substantial policy interest in how peers influence the timing of sexual initiation. This paper measures separate effects for two social mechanisms--peer-group norms and partner availability--using a national sample of high school students. I develop and estimate an equilibrium search and matching model for first sexual encounters that specifies distinct roles for the two mechanisms. Norms are defined based on the share of nonvirgins among same-gender peers, which influences whether an individual searches for a sexual partner. Supply is modeled with an arrival rate for partners, which depends on the search behavior among the opposite gender. The model produces a discrete-time duration to first sex which I estimate with quarterly data on individual virginity status constructed from the Add Health study. The endogeneity of peer behavior with respect to individual behavior is addressed with a combination of strategies. First, I use standard instrumental variables methods to estimate linear regressions for virginity status at the end of each grade. Instruments for group nonvirginity rates are person-specific characteristics such as sibling structure and age of menarche, and the regressions include school-by-grade fixed effects. This analysis demonstrates that school-based social interactions have a large effect on sexual initiation. Second, I estimate the search and matching model via simulated maximum likelihood, in order to decompose this composite effect into separate effects of peer norms and partner availability. Here I control for the endogeneity of peer behavior by (a) defining the norm effect as a function of lagged peer outcomes, (b) including a random effect that is correlated within schools, and (c) using exogenous peer characteristics as supply shifters. I find that peer-group norms have a large effect on the timing of sexual initiation: removing the peer influence on search decisions, 42% fewer boys and 22% fewer girls become sexually active in ninth or tenth grade. Changes in the availability of partners at school (i.e., changes in opposite-gender search behavior) also have a large impact on initiation rates for boys, although not for girls.
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heterosexual population in which the intervention is introduced (1-3). Individuals in the population are heterogeneous with respect to sexual activity and are stratified into classes with different rates of sexual partner acquisition. The STI was modelled with two compartments representing infected or not infected. HIV infection has been modelled with 5 states representing susceptible, early and acute infection,
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to?’’The other survey question that asked to see when participants began practicing birth control use stated “before entering college, did you ever use birth control (such as condom, pill, IUD, etc.)”. Participants of the study remained completely anonymous, as names of participants were not required for findings in this research. The independent variable in this study; Whether birth control practice began prior to entering college. The dependent variable in this study; whether a sexual partner has persuaded you to not use a form of birth control. The null hypothesis; Those who started practicing birth control use after entering college will not have let a partner sway their decision. The alternative hypothesis; Those who started practicing birth control after entering college will have let a partner sway their decision. RESULTS
Data collection process: A questionnaire was de- signed by adopting the WHO multi-country study of violence against women (7), and the Ethiopia Behav- ioural Surveillance Survey of 2005(22) question- naires. The questionnaire included questions to meas- ure socio-demographic characteristic of the women, including their age, marital status, their educational status, residency and spousal education and age rela- tive to the woman status. It also included questions on physical and sexual violence by an intimate part- ner in the previous year and during the life time as well as determinants of HIV related to sexual behav- iours. The questionnaire was piloted to ensure the questions were correctly understood. Data was col- lected by 10 female nurses trained for two days. The enumerators were blinded for the HIV status of the women, as cases and controls were coded by the fo- cal health provider.
study was therefore designed to address these limitations. Undoubtedly, patriarchal societies in developing countries have made little progress in instrument development, as there are more theoretical discourses and prevalence data than empirical studies on gender-based violence. Because violence against women is particularly problematic in patriarchal societies (Population Council, 2008) identifying associated culturally relevant beliefs and transforming them into measures may facilitate a uniform frame of reference for understanding partner violence, advance theories for describing relationship violence, and provide empirical basis for comparisons across societies. In general, examining BEREVIWOS and GESTABE in Nigeria was necessary for several reasons. First, violence against women is prevalent in Nigeria. Despite the global decline in attitudes toward violence against women (Pierotti, 2013) recent report indicates that four out of five wives suffered physical or verbal abuse from their husbands in Nigeria (Kigotho, 2013). Second, existing knowledge about violence against women in Nigeria merely describes prevalence data without adequate knowledge about cultural beliefs and stereotypes instrumental to the prevalence. Third, violence against women is so pervasive that women too are noted for endorsing violence against women (García-Moreno et al., 2005; Oyediran and Isiugo-Abanihe, 2005). By virtue of its large population and diverse socio-cultural compositions, empirical knowledge about socialized beliefs and stereotypes in Nigeria may provide considerable insight on possible mechanisms for their alteration.
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The increase in relative vulnerability for rural residents in 2011 may be explained by: (1) the opening of communities that were hitherto closed. For example, after peace and security was restored in North-Eastern Uganda in the mid-2000s following the disarmament of the semi- nomadic Karamojong warriors inhabiting this area, HIV prevalence nearly doubled; (2) the establishment of peace in the neighbouring Republic of South Sudan and the resultant increased volume of trade between Uganda and South Sudan accelerated trade related internal and cross border migration. Other explanations for the new spate of HIV in 2011 include: (3) the establishment of peace in Northern Uganda, a region that was engulfed in a 2-decade war. A combination of the legacy of war and increased volume of activities to re-integrate this region into the country may be a good explanation for very high levels of HIV prevalence in this region (See Patel et al., 2012); (4) the completion of the road to the West Nile region, that also opened this area by linking it to the rest of the country, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo saw HIV prevalence double in this region in 2011; and (5) increase in Central, South-western and Western regions may be related to the better economic conditions that have been reported in these areas (NPA, 2012) (See Figure 5.1), liberal sexual practices
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The questionnaire consisted of two parts: The first part dealt with the demographic characteristics of the women and their partners (age, marriage duration, couples age difference, place of living, level of education, employment, number of children and etc.,). The second part was the violence questionnaire. The meaning of domestic violence is violence implemented by the spouse or other family members. This scale consists of physical, sexual, and emotional scopes. It has 36 questions to screen for violence: 12 questions for physical violence, 9 questions for sexual violence and 15 questions for emotional violence. This questionnaire was adapted from the one used by some researchers in Iran with the reliability of the questionnaire being 81% based on Cronbach’s alpha method, also Kargar et al., reached the Cronbach’s alpha of 0.91% in their study .
There are instruments that measure sexual func- tion or sexual health for persons with RA, but since sexual health is a sensitive issue, the hy- pothesis is that it would be easier to have a standard questionnaire that could indicate the need for communication about sexual health issues instead of an extra questionnaire with more detailed questions on sexual health. The aim of the study is to find out whether sexual health difficulties can be screened by factors included in the MDHAQ-S for persons with RA. This study explores the relation between factors included in the MDHAQ-S and the Sexual Health Questionnaire (QSH) using a mixed methods design combining quantitative and qualitative data. The MDHAQ-S covers sexual health issues, not only by using the question on sexual health, but also on other factors included in the ques- tionnaire such as increased pain, fatigue, depre- ssion, anxiety, physical capacity, level of physic- cal activity and body weight. To explore decrea- sed sexual arousal, decreased sexual satisfac- tion and decreased sexual well-being, in-depth interviews must be held with persons with RA, either using a sexual health questionnaire or in a clinical interview.
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The current work highlights some similarities and dis- similarities among males, females, and the general popula- tion with regard to condom use (the last time one had sexual intercourse) in Jamaica. Condom use (the first time one had sexual relations) with a partner, one’s partner having had another partner/other partners, self-efficacy, and being mar- ried, were statistically significant factors for condom use (the last time one had sexual relations) across the sexes. Self- efficacy, therefore, had a stronger association with condom use (the last time one had sexual intercourse) for females than males. This suggests that females who have a greater desire to protect themselves from HIV, AIDS, pregnancy, and STIs in general were significantly more likely to have their partners use a condom than were males. However, males were more likely to use a condom than their female counterparts, indi- cating that material supremacy for males gives them vetoing powers over condom usage compared with females, and this accounts for some of the condom usage differences between the sexes. It is this economic supremacy that justifies the male partner’s ability to dictate the determination of a method of contraception, because economically disadvantaged females will say that the males are the bread winners, and so embodied in reality is their relinquishing of contraception decisions to their partners. 29 It is this fact that accounts for males opin-
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Two recent systematic reviews in the United States have evaluated the effectiveness of specific primary prevention programmes in this area. The first of these (Morrison et al., 2004) included both college, high-school and middle-school populations, and found that programmes usually included several components (most often the challenging of rape myths; information on acquaintance and date rape; statistics on rape; and risk- reduction and protective prevention skills). Of the 50 studies reviewed, seven (14%) showed exclusively positive effects on knowledge and attitudes, but none used the actual experiencing or perpetration of violence as outcomes; 40 (80%) reported mixed effects; and three (6%) indicated no effect. The studies also had a number of serious meth- odological limitations that led the reviewers to conclude that the effectiveness of such programmes remains unclear. These limitations included the use of knowledge and attitude as the only outcome measures; studies of higher-quality design showing poorer results; and the positive effects of the programmes being found to diminish over time. The second systematic review (Anderson & Whiston, 2005) examined 69 education programmes for college students on sexual assault, and found little evidence of the effectiveness of such programmes in preventing such assaults, or in increasing levels of rape empathy (the cognitive-emotional recognition of a rape victim’s trauma) or aware- ness. However, the programmes evaluated were found to increase factual knowledge about rape and to beneficially change attitudes towards it. The acute shortage of studies that use behaviour as outcomes led the authors to conclude that more research using such outcomes was needed before definitive conclusions could be reached. The effec- tiveness of such programmes, on the basis of these two reviews, is currently unclear. It has been found that the provision of “factual” information 1 as part of addressing rape
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A questionnaire was developed containing items on physical violence, sexual violence and psychological abuse. These items were selected from the Women’s health and life expe- riences questionnaire, a validated questionnaire developed by the WHO for research on IPV experience . The ques- tionnaire was translated into Kinyarwanda, the national lan- guage in Rwanda. This instrument has been shown to be cross-culturally valid [4,22,23] and was initially intended for detection of IPV against both men and women. To date, this instrument has only been used in one male population of the ten countries included in the WHO Multi-Country Study i.e. in Samoa . Of the few published validation studies at hand, one was performed on men and women separately [4,23]. This study indicates that the dimensional- ity, i.e. the distribution of the included acts into the three dimensions physical, sexual and psychological vio- lence respectively, assessed by principal components ana- lysis with a promax rotation, is not well supported for men but is for women [4,23]. However, it additionally showed that items composing the three dimensions have good internal consistency for both men and women assessed by Cronbach alpha analyses [4,23].
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Sexual aggression in intimate relationships is not a sin- gle phenomenon. Rather, a spectrum of sexually aggres- sive acts has been documented . Some are unwanted sexual acts obtained through the use or threat of force . Such physically forced sexual acts are considered by some to qualify as rape [6-8] and can be identified not only by the use or threat of force by the perpetrator, but also the lack of consent by the victim . Identifying acts of unwanted sex in intimate relationships where there is no report of forced sex or lack of consent, how- ever, is more problematic. The term “sexual coercion” has been used to describe a woman’s acquiescence to her partner’s demands for sex [8,9], and the partner may not even know that the sex is unwanted . As such, non-physical sexual coercion is often subtle and requires careful assessment of how a woman gives in to sex with- out the partner using force or threat of force . It has been suggested that quantitative measures may not ad- equately reveal the context surrounding intimate partner sexual aggression in general  and especially the sub- tle forms of non-physical sexual coercion . Supple- menting quantitative self-report measures with in-depth interviews will more likely reveal the nuances of the complex phenomenon of intimate partner sexual aggres- sion, particularly for identifying victims who are at greater risk of sexual aggression-specific outcomes .
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The FRA survey shares the classic strengths and weaknesses of the ‘Violence Against Women’ survey model. Its strength has been in successfully raising awareness at the EU level of the significance of violence against women, thus assisting in taking forward policy and research development. The FRA survey collects data on perpetrators, which is rarer in generic Crime and Health surveys, as well as whether there was a sexual element to the violence. Its main weaknesses are its use of the CTS, which produces a gender bias and entails a lack of alignment with legal (criminal) definitions of violence (and thus with statistics from the criminal justice system); the restriction to women only, which means that there are no comparisons with men; the sample sizes are too small to support the intended analyses; and the uneven methodological practices in survey implementation in different member states seriously undermine any claim to robust comparisons of rates of violence across member states.
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The findings of this study attained presence of an asso- ciation, indicative of consistency with previous research. The study found presence of statistically significant asso- ciation between low birth weight and maternal experi- ence of intimate partner violence such as experience of physical, sexual and physical or sexual violence by inti- mate partner during pregnancy. Low birth weight was associated with maternal education, and the association was strong and this may be explained by the knowledge educated women may have to enable them to care their child through appropriate diet and care during pregnancy resulting on higher birth weight than the non-educated women (24).