Jindra finds seven dimensions of religion in Star Trek fandom. First, Star Trek fandom has belief or faith, namely in such values as humanism, scientism, and cultural relativism (Jindra 1994, 34). Second, it has a myth, namely the Star Trek narrative which Jindra sees as a American “frontier” myth pushed into space (1994, 32-33). Third, Star Trek fandom is characterised by community and even by a sense of superiority vis-à-vis non-fan ‘mundanes’ (Jindra 1994, 38-39). Fourth, Star Trek fandom has its own ritual gatherings, especially conventions (Jindra 1994, 38-39), and involves, fifth, pilgrimage to exhibitions and tourist sites (Jindra 1994, 39-40). Sixth, Star Trek points to another world which is made real through participation, for instance in role-play (called “simming”) (Jindra 2000, 172-173). Seventh, Star Trek has such an effect on the lives of its fans that many of them become inspired by the show to take up a specific profession as engineer, doctor, or scientist (Jindra 2000, 173). Jindra clearly favours a broadly functionalist definition of religion in which any communal activity which expresses values or commitment can count as religion. While such an approach can certainly serve to highlight some interesting similarities between communal religion and other social activities, its potential severe weakness is to equate all that is meaningful, social, or important to people with religion.
People’s Commissariat on February 24, 1938) provides details on the tasks of political education: clarification of the national policy of the Soviet government; the policy of peace pursued by the Soviet authorities, antireligious work (“combating healers and shamanism, explaining the social essence of the latter, the destruction of religious ideas through conversations about the universe, the origin of man and other natural science issues”). The “Guidelines for methodological work”, “the Evenk Department of National Education”, 1933 (on 311 sheets) preserved the ten-page document “Antireligious work among the peoples of the Far North” dated August 01, 1933 from the “Antireligioznik” magazine sent by the People’s Commissariat for the Enlightenment to help northern teachers in order to guide them in matters of antireligious work. That article was based on the materials of Professor Tan- Bogoraz (V. G. Bogoraz, ethnocultural researcher and linguist of northern languages). etc. In the text, shamanism was determined as a religious prejudice and shamans as local exploiters of the population for their own incomes, animism (worship of spirits) as a world view, “grown out of the powerlessness of the peoples of the North in their struggle with nature, on the basis of the exploitation of kulaks and shamans, still remains in the consciousness of the workers of the North”. Several stories and cases where the activity of a shaman is understood as undeniable facts of resistance to socialism under construction are considered in detail. Thus, in the 1930s to implement the concept of cultural development in the Far North, the subject of religion was rooted out.
Despite the introduction of the Catholics as a new factor, these relationships probably differed little from those lotete had been involved in with the LMS missionaries since their arrival in 1834. However, the Catholics had an advantage in numbers, while Stallworthy was for a tim e by himself. In so far as lotete was perceived to neglect the Catholics, he also ran the risk of falling into disfavour with visiting French naval officers, with whom the Catholics had a closer relationship th an their P ro te s ta n t co unterparts had with the British navy. This enabled the Catholics to be bolder in their promises to lotete: in August, 1838, he asked Dosithee Desvault to write to the French king upon his behalf, soliciting muskets and powder; the priest told lotete th a t he would do so a t the earliest oppo rtu nity , and noted t h a t the c h i e f ‘ne put contenir sa jo ie’, saying he would embrace their religion and build a church.66 Subsequently the ‘promise’ preoccupied lotete, and he ceaselessly demanded when a French vessel would come, and how much powder, and how many muskets, it would bring. Since these objects did not appear, Iotete’s enthusiasm for the Catholics evaporated, and Felix Bernard, who visited in the Pylade in 1840, reported t h a t he had spoken severely to the chief, after having found t h a t lotete had ‘forgotten’ the promises he had made to D u p etit-T houars in respect of the missionaries. More
The theoretical context for the research conducted was the perception of personal characteristics as stereotypes, constituting cultural products. The stereotype is perceived as a cognitive representation of categories (e.g. social roles, gender, professions), generalized cognitive schemata, seeped in value judgements and a hidden conviction about the unconditional similarity between all representatives of a given group (here: managers).
How easy is it to adjust as an overseas student?
Yiota from Greece writes…
“Life in Cardiff as an undergraduate at SHARE is particularly exciting. As a first year, I had the chance to meet many other students from Britain and all around the world. This was a fascinating experience and was a great opportunity to interact with people from different cultural backgrounds. There are various student societies to cover almost, if not all, personal and intellectual interests. These are lively hubs, which link people with shared interests together. Being the first time that I was living abroad, I had to adjust myself to a different approach to organisation and study. Especially at the beginning this can be difficult, however, the support that both Cardiff University and the Students Union provide, proved invaluable, not just of social nature, but for other issues (from personal to administrative). A sudden shower of rain has always been a good ‘excuse’ to visit the National Museum, which is just around the corner!”
Conservation and Religious Studies & Theology. The School is one of five that constitute the Faculty of Humanities and Social Science. You may take Joint degrees or individual courses from many of the disciplines within the School and Faculty. Housed in the purpose-built Humanities Building in the heart of the city and the university quarter, the History Department is close to the Students Union, the Arts and Social Studies Library and the National Museum. The Department has modern purpose-built lecture theatres with multi-media equipment and its own undergraduate computer room serviced by a technician. The Humanities Building has a cafeteria in which students may relax between classes with colleagues from their courses and from other disciplines. The History Department offers courses from the Medieval to Modern era, and from Asia to Europe, Britain and Wales. Topics include social, medical, military, political, gender and economic and cultural histories, among many others.
Ruggiero’s scheme is most liberating here since it relieves the teacher and student from what has become a wearisome trek through fairly rigidly defined stages of humanism and dutiful nods to men who have become as devoid of life as their all’antica portrait busts. The generosity of Ruggiero’s civilità also allows scholars to move beyond debates about whether the humanists should be treated simply as grammarians or whether they developed a way of living, or even a coherent philosophy.(15) Finally, his broad conception of civiltà opens up humanism and the Rinascimento more generally to the ‘peoples’ (‘i popoli’) of Italy, as Francesco Guicciardini described them.(16) The creative energy of merchants and artisans emerges in this book with a virtù-osic edge, most obviously in the work of artists who produced decorations for court festivities (pp. 296, 347–8), but more startlingly in the world of prostitutes and courtesans (pp.434–7, 476–88), and it is to be hoped that further research in this direction may be stimulated by Ruggiero’s beautiful evocations.(17) Like the ‘American Dream’, which recently morphed into General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xi Jinping’s ‘Chinese Dream’, Ruggiero’s Italian Dream was exported all over the world. However, as a number of recent studies have shown this was a global Renaissance with many points of contact and instances of interaction which complicate the idea of the cultural centre and periphery.(18) Equally, the ‘decentring’ or ‘provincialising’ of Europe can force scholars to rethink familiar models and narratives.(19) However, Ruggiero’s vision is essentially diasporic with the two-way traffic of culture into and out of Italy sounded in a very minor key indeed.(20) I think that this is probably the greatest lost opportunity to reboot the Renaissance in a book which aimed to do just that and that for many people will be the most successful attempt to do so they have encountered in a very long time.
frightful and negative; they keep watch—as among the Greeks do the River-Gods, the Nymphs, and Dryads—over single elements and natural objects” (Hegel 1991b, 133).
Hegel concludes that “the distinguishing feature of the character of the Chinese people is that everything which belongs to Spirit—unconstrained morality, in practice and theory, Heart, inward Religion, Science and Art properly so-called—is alien to it” (Hegel 1991 b, 138). “The Emperor always speaks with majesty and paternal kindness and tenderness to the people; who however, cherish the meanest opinion of themselves, and believe that they are born only to drag the car of Imperial Power” (Hegel 1991b, 138). “There is no distinction conferred by birth, and everyone can attain the highest dignity, this very equality testifies to no triumphant assertion of the worth of the inner man, but a servile consciousness—one which has not yet matured itself so far as to recognize distinctions” (Hegel 1991b, 138). Regardless of a conscious aim, the primary conditions for both civilization and social progress began in China. “The history of mankind does not begin with a conscious aim of any kind, as it is the case with the particular circles into which men form themselves of set purpose. The mere social instinct implies a conscious purpose of security for life and property; and when a society has been constituted, this purpose becomes more comprehensive. The History of the World begins with its general aim—the realization of the Idea of Spirit—only in an
The notion of sin is one of the most central facets of religion in the Western world. Thinking of religion as a system that orients human beings to certain beliefs and actions, we naturally assume that a critical part of these beliefs and actions has to do with questions of right and wrong, and that the “wrong” in religious systems is often classified as “sin.” But what is “sin,” exactly? What constitutes a sinful act and what makes one a sinner? In this seminar, we will approach these questions from a critical point of view and delve into the very rich and complex concept of sin so as to understand how it has evolved through time and how it shaped and continues to shape our own world.
The Kets were considered to be the ones who officially accepted Christianity, but
by the beginning of the 20 th century, ancient religions and beliefs were the basis of
their religion. The penetration of Christianity was quite superficial and boiled down to the formal performance of Orthodox rites among a certain part of the Ket population during fairs. Most of all it affected those representatives of the Ket ethnic community who constantly lived in Russian villages or in their immediate vicinity. Under the influence of the Orthodox trends the Kets began to place crosses on graves, keep crosses and icons with other sacred things, and variations of biblical legends (about the Tower of Babel, the Flood, etc.) emerged. Also, the Kets had an idea about the afterlife, the existence of the supreme deity (similar to the Christian god). Despite this, Christianity did not touch the depths of the Ket religious ideology.
If the principle of publicity is the utmost rule of the game in the production of legitimacy, as suggested by Lavalle (2002: p. 78), there is, then, a limit to Habermasian theory in the exercise of polyphonic reasons. Be- tween the “savage life” of the public sphere and the formal procedures of political bodies there is, for the author, an institutional demarcation, “a filter that allows only secular contributions from the Babel of voices to pass through” (Habermas, 2006: p. 9). Nevertheless, the force of religious discourses will continue to exercise its right as a persuasive language in the public sphere while other more convincing languages are not conventiona- lized to express a certain type of experience. What is required is the exercise of a type of reflexivity that relates faith to other points of view—an epistemic attitude that is inherent to communicative action and is based on the independence of one religion from the others, and from religions to secular thinking, the reasons of which pre- vail in the properly political arena (Habermas, 2006: p. 14). Thus, although Habermas excludes communicative action from the field of politics and confines the latter to the systemic world governed by instrumental action, it is possible to make the very concept of politics more encompassing in order to include the symbolic disputes governed by discourses by retaining the “principle of visibility” as a key notion. From the perspective of politi- cal relations conceived of in this more encompassing way, what is possible to retain as a significant advance of the Habermasian model is its articulation of what is cognitive and motivational in the religious world—already known by the tradition of anthropological studies—and the discursive processes of production of visibility in the impersonal flow of communication. Because they are intangible, it is necessary for anthropological observation to have the means to describe these evanescent and unsystematic moments in which “the formation of opinion emerges from the life-world and comes to public light” (Lavalle, 2002: p. 80).
People learn how to shift from one symbolic system to another according to their needs, while simultaneously being forced to interpret multiple tasks such as choosing, validating and setting priorities. Assuming their inter- nal satisfaction with the products as validation criteria for quality, consumer culture is internalized by buyers and sellers in everyday life as normal and natural. We can speak of a massive, permanent, though not direct or lineal, education of subjectivities, which will also impact the religious experience. The identity-building process is affected and the same occurs with the authoritative performance of traditional religion. The symbolic power of consumer culture leads to a crisis in traditional culture and religion, or at least to a non-self-guided transforma- tion process of these cultures and religions. This very often implies a folklorisation of traditional religion. Its performative input in everyday life tends to be neutralized or exhausted. As folklore, religion degenerates into administered cultural resource, business matter . At the same time, international popular consumer culture cultivates individual consumer habits and individual preferences. It reinforces the individualization process through the education of taste and choice. Preferences must be argumentatively justified in personal interaction and the traditional sense of belonging to cultural heritage will inevitably be questioned. All this creates new conditions for individuality politics. As Lehmann points out, religious belonging is increasingly based on per- sonal options of belief rather than on tradition or cultural heritage  .
The Christian religion acknowledges that God (the Son) became human, with Jesus being fully human and fully God This reality and interaction occurred throughout his life, with the humanity constantly obedient, this leading into the cross where Jesus Christ died for the sins of the world. After being buried, he rose physically on the third day, and was seen by many. He ascended to heaven and ten days later the gift of the Spirit was given, to be with the believers, so that they participate in the life of the risen Jesus Christ.
The article is devoted to the study of the genesis of religious ideas of the Ket and Selkup ethnocultural groups in a historical and cultural context. On the basis of the ethnographic and linguistic material, the article describes the current state of religion and culture of the Kets and Selkups, provides an analytical review of classical and modern studies reflecting the dynamics of the development of religious ideology in the territories inhabited by these ethnic groups. Despite the official Christianization, both the Kets and the Selkups have retained their traditional cosmological and ideological views for many years. Their religious ideology is characterized by coexistence of beliefs and rites of different origins and specificities that reflect natural, everyday, economic and social conditions of ethnic communities. The key manifestations of religious ideology include the idea of the three-part structure of the universe, animistic and ancient totemic beliefs, developed trade ideology, shamanism, burial rites and folklore.
perhaps, colleagues. Some of us may present our research in popular forms – which appear to be in demand, at least in Sweden, if the questions about the dissemination of research we are constantly asked in external and internal evaluations and by funding agencies are an indication. In this connection we should make an important distinction: here we are not primarily inter- ested in questions about the dissemination of research, but rather in a more active engagement with society at large, especially in public debate, even though the public or audience for these two activities coexist and overlap. This latter remark notwithstanding, in this discussion we intend to examine what it means to be a critical scholar and how (or if) to be/become engaged. Hypothetically a self-critical approach would be an advantage in a discus- sion regarding the stances scholars of the history of religions take towards questions pertaining to their public role or to their function as critical and/ or engaged scholars. However, it has to be acknowledged that there is, at least potentially, a difference between being critical and being engaged: such a self-critical attitude would be beneficial in a reflection on individual and collective approaches to the history of religions as an academic field. One thing is certain: the lack of academic entrepreneurship capable of building structures in the collective interest of the field is more than evident. Few historians of religion have engaged themselves in building institutions, centres, or any other academic framework that might improve the broader environment and the quality of research through the establishment of a larger critical mass in the Swedish context.
seen as radical or as mindless persecution, but as a rational and sensible way to defend the true religion. 10 Beleaguered Catholics were heartened by the martyrdom of the Jesuit, Edmund Campion, in 1581. Catholic families such as Gage’s were inspired by the accounts of the deaths of heroic martyrs, which were circulated in printed and manuscript form and also by the veneration of relics. The martyrs also became models for the expectations of Catholic priests coming to England to preach. 11 Much Catholic activity focused on connections and networks with European Catholics, as in Gage’s family when he and his brothers were sent abroad around 1612 to be educated by Jesuits, first at St. Omer (situated between Calais and Lille in north-west France), and later in Valladolid, Spain. At the end of his education in Spain, as a young man away from his family network, Gage was deciding which doctrine suited him, and also defining his identity as an Englishman and as a Catholic. Dionisia Tejera believes that Gage was “hispanised” during his schooling, but politically the Spanish empire still considered him a foreigner, denying him freedom of movement in the Atlantic colonies. 12 But Gage certainly became familiar with the Spanish language, culture and religious controversies being taught that Protestants (and indeed pagans such as Native Americans) were akin to devil worshippers and that the true Catholic Church was under siege from these forces.
American History," and the textbook. A review file and an audio file have been provided beforehand to direct student preparation for the exams. The exams are online. Students do not need to come in to a campus to take the test. They are accessed from the Course Contents page. The exams come in two parts: essay and objective. The exam is 2 hours, timed. After 2 hours, the exam will not accept any more answers. Students may use their books and notes, but the 2 hour time limit does not permit looking up enough answers to pass. Students will have to largely know the material, but are permitted to use their resources as an aid.
divisive issue on its own accord, givens its strong connections to religious values (Evans et al. 2001), its impact on the distribution of survey responses might also reflect an underlying divide of wider significance. Separate religious, and not political, subpopulations are relevant to the current political landscape, particularly in the context of a unimodal distribution of economic preference. Under these conditions, politicians have incentive to converge rapidly to near identical positions on economic issues, while deviating from potentially “median” positions in both their official platform and coded messages concerning the two religious sub-populations. If this were in fact the case, it would reconcile the finding that religion has become more salient than income in voting decisions with the concurrent evidence that voters place greater weight on their economic preferences. Voters may care more about economic issues, but they are left with religiously informed issues as their means of differentiating between rival candidates.