Islamic societies and natives in Australia and North America in his time.^^ China was neglected because, Yen Fu suggested, 'Jenks was not familiar with China.’^* Yen corrected the omission. China's social development followed the same law of social evolution that Jenks had discovered, he argued. The totemistic stage existed in ancient China and this could be evidenced. Yen Fu suggested, by references in some Chinese classics to the ming tribe as the tribe of snake and pan-ku as the tribe of dog.^^ The Chinese society at that time was comparable with some contemporary societies, such as those of the Northern American Indians, Australian natives, as well as some ethnic minorities in China.’® ® China entered into the patriarchal stage preceding the West. 'Our most reliable records show that during the period from Tang and Yu until Chou (around 2,000 B.C-221 B.C.) - a space of over 2000 years - we had already reached a feudal stage, and so-called patriarchal society had already achieved its full development.'’®’ Later when things had reached the limits of their actualization, another change began. With the rise of the unified Ch'in empire (221-208 B.C.) under the leadership of Chin Shih Huang-ti, society began the process of transition from a patriarchal stage to a political stage. However, there has been another two thousand years since Ch'in. With different dynasties and repeated circles of order and disorder, the habits, customs, and thought patterns of the Chinese people have remained patriarchal.'’®^ China's advance toward political society was frozen by a vicious circle of dynastic succession.
The empirical study involved 150 people at the age of 18 to 25 years old. Among them, 50 people are residents of a metropolitan city (St. Petersburg), 50 people are residents of a city (Saratov) and 50 people are residents of a town (Balashov). The following methods were used as methodological tools: unique questionnaire compiled by the author aimed at studying the content of youth social activity, including political activity; a short version of the J. Duckitt’s scale (right-wing authoritarianism, faith in a dangerous world, faith in a competitive world); a risk tolerance questionnaire (A. G. Shmelev), a personality protest activity questionnaire (A. Sh. Guseynov), a personality volition questionnaire (N. E. Stambulova). The software package SPSS 17.0 (correlation, factor analysis) was used for statistical processing of the obtained data.
Jacques Maritain’s keen philosophical genius has run the gamut of philosophical inquiry. No branch of philosophy has escaped his penetrating analysis. The Degrees of Knowledge, published in 1932, is perhaps his greatest work. In this his power for speculative reasoning reaches its high est perfection, . His Art and Scholasticism, the final result of his earlier serious study of art and poetry— a work opening up new vistas for ar tists and critics alike— has already become a classic in the field of aesthetics. His later works are developments of his social and polit ical thought and have been occasioned by his growing awareness that the order of speculative thought, based as it is on reality, must somehow impregnate social and political life. This very order and development that we see in Maritain’s
Our interest is focused on the relationship between social capital and political participation. Numerous articles are concerned with the study of the causes of political participation (Brady, Schlozman, & Verba, 1999; Brady, Verba, & Schlozman, 1995; Kenny, 1992; La Due Lake & Huckfeldt, 1998; Leighley, 1996; Mcclurg, 2003; Parry, Moyser, & Day, 1992). Those articles are regarding the influences of network size (Jang, 2009; Leighley, 1996; Mutz, 2002; Weatherford, 1982) and the influence of social and political trust. How social capital explains political participation is an unanswered question. As said before, it is often under research, but we would like to know the intervening factors between social capital and political participation. Therefore is the relationship between social capital and political participation elaborated in this study in an effort to strengthen current theory. This is done using the well known Civic Voluntarism model of Verba, Schlozman and Brady. How well these two elements cooperate in explaining political participation is the main focus. Democracy, as a form of government, relies heavily on political participation of citizen. This central characteristic of democracy is inherent in its name, which consist of the greek words ‘demos’ and ‘kratein’ and actually says ‘the people rule’. Nowadays there are 116 countries with an electoral democracy according to the operationalisation of Freedom house (2011a). Freedom house tests all countries with regard to four criteria in order to be called a democracy. These include a competitive, multiparty political system, universal adult suffrage for all citizen and other requirements concerning the elections (Freedom house, 2011b). Shively’s concept of democracy is consistent with these criteria. According to him, democracy is “a regime in which all fully qualified citizens vote at regular intervals to choose, from among alternative candidates, the people who will be in charge of setting the state’s policies.” (Shively, 2008, p. 149) Apparently suffrage and voting play a major part in the representative democracies of today.
Unlike the explicitly textualist New Critics, intellectual biographers associate a variety of texts, e.g. books, manuscripts, letters and other personal documents, around the figure of an author, and place this figure in a variety o f personal, social and political contexts. This looks like the sort o f enterprise which would meet Skinner's criteria for a proper history. Similarly, histories o f ideas necessarily group texts by a variety of authors, rather than taking an individual text in isolation, so once again it is hard to see how they might be thought o f as 'textualist' in the requisite sense. A. O. Lovejoy is repeatedly censured by Skinner, but he explicitly criticised the idea that a work o f art should be considered as a 'self contained kind of thing', calling it a 'psychological absurdity'.49 His 'unit ideas' are in fact complexes, and in the case of the Great Chain of Being, this complex comprises 'plenitude', 'continuity' and 'linear gradation'. The history of the Great Chain of Being is the history of the way different authors combined these ideas, not only with each other but also with other ideas.50 Nonetheless, it is clear that Skinner thinks that 'textualism' must fail because to confine one's investigations to a single text will most likely prevent one from correctly identifying the arguments contained in it. These derive their identity from their use by particular authors, in particular contexts, with particular intentions. It is the author's intentions which constitute the identity of the arguments concerned, arguments which will be misidentified if we do not concern ourselves with these intentions.
and opportunity to learn (Eveland, 2001; Luskin, 1990). However, the informational function of a medium has a great deal to do with how much people learn, regardless of their motivation to learn. Technologies that serve informa- tional functions have the capacity to produce, distribute, and collect knowledge (Ballew, Omoto, & Winter, 2015). Several studies found evidence that the informational function of a medium can have significant link to people’s acquisition of political knowledge from the medium (Chaffee & Kanihan, 1997; De Vreese & Boomgaarden, 2006). Drawing on the criterion of informing , which refers to media’s role of providing information to the public (Foot & Schneider, 2006), the current study breaks down social media into several types. This study aims to answer the question of what are the substantive content-related dif- ferences among different social media that create different effects on political knowledge.
Abstract:- This study discussed the position and role of the Emperor based on two Constitutions that have been and are in force in Japan, namely the Meiji Constitution and the 1947 Constitution. The focus of this study was to describe Articles governing the position and role of the Emperor in Japanese government are implemented. The study found that articles governing the position of Emperor in the Meiji Constitution were not properly implemented due to military domination in the government. Emperor Hirohito in reality did not have full power in carrying out his functions according to the institution. Articles governing the position and function of the Emperor in the 1947 Constitution are proper. Emperor Hirohito, who was later replaced by Prince Akihito, carried out his position as a symbol of state unity by carrying out his ceremonial duties. Political ideology was very strong in the Meiji Constitution, while social ideology flows under the 1947 constitution. Emperor Akihito's throne, which will be replaced by Crown Prince Naruhito in April 2019, does not seem to have an effect on the implementation of the 1947 Constitution based on social ideology.
Furthermore, the present study supports Dahlgren (2009) and Bakardjieva’s (2009) ideas that networked communicative practices for private interests can foster a shared sense of civic identity, which can become, in turn, a basis for more expressive forms of political engagement. Indeed, the findings in Chaper 2 show that NPA use that involves interactions with others may help generate a collective identity in the political domain, and contribute, in turn, to political expression on the sites. Since NPA use can cultivate social bonds (Ellison, Gray, et al., 2014; Ellison, Vitak, et al., 2014) and develop among users a sense of group identity (Bakardjieva, 2009), it is likely that these social bonds and feelings of affinity can be activated and transformed into political expression when opportunities arise (Dahlgren, 2009). However, because these interaction-based experiences may be absent from NPP social media use, NPP use has little or even a negative relationship to political expression. Therefore, this work also contributes to our theoretical understanding of the processes underlying the relationship between NPA use and political expression.
In addition, many sincere thanks are due to two other members of my dissertation committee, Matthew Elliott and Matthew Shum. They were upfront in evaluating my research papers so that I was able to improve them in new and better ways. I am very thankful to two senior professors, John Ledyard and Tomas Palfrey, for sharing their wisdom and knowledge on economics and political science. I owe a very important debt to Ben Gillen, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, Kota Saito, and Omer Tamuz for helpful guidance for job market preparation. I am also pleased to acknowledge a unique opportunity to interact with other professors in the Division of the Humanities and Social Sciences at Caltech. I especially want to thank Laurel Auchampaugh for various support from the beginning to the end of my Ph.D. studies.
The 2014 general elections present an excellent context to study a relatively new phenomenon, as this was the first time social media was so extensively integrated into the campaign strategy (Chopra, 2014). Also, Indian demography comprises a majority younger population, where over sixty percent of the population is under age 35 (Census data, 2011), where the widespread availability of low cost smartphones, mobile devices and internet technology have resulted in rapid increase in the number of social media account holders in the country. These changes indicate that the developments in communication technologies and the widespread use of social media have led to a change in the way political parties and politicians communicate with their electorate (Narasimhamurthy, 2014). However, being a comparatively new phenomenon in Indian politics, there has been only limited research focussing on social media’s assimilation in the political campaigns, which are traditionally highly candidate/leader centric. This research extends the relatively new line of academic research and understanding that explores the strategic changes social media has brought in politics. Specifically, the contribution to knowledge is in the research domain of the social media and its influence in personalised political campaign strategy. Similar to the rest of the world, with the rapid growth and availability of low cost internet and mobile technology, usage of social media channels such as
Such intra-state conflicts are not just relevant for post-Communist polities, but apply in general to transition economies with a legacy of strong centralised states disembedded from civil society. When industrialisation and nation-state building take place at the same time, industrial activity takes on strong political dimensions along partisanship lines (Buğra 1994; Siegel, 2007), and a strong state becomes an ultimate provider of resources and legitimacy. Some transition economies with strong states have a weak state capacity for implementation (Evans, 1996; Woolcock, 1998). Their state and political elites suffer high vulnerability due to transitions from authoritarian military regimes and the foreign dependence of weak financial systems. Under such conditions vulnerable state or political elites may turn to civil society, actors outside of politics proper, to generate political support in power struggles, and to implement and create effective policies. This is further facilitated by the fact that the institutional system, especially the legal system and bureaucracy are highly contested and unstable, as they reflect the short-term necessities of economic development rather than accepted norms (Buğra, 1994; Teichman, 2001). Businesspeople, enjoying the greatest structural power compared to other social groups through their control over jobs and growth, often acquire premium access in such conditions, especially if labour is weak. If those civic actors have limited options for political representation and power building, they have a high incentive to participate in broader power struggles. If political parties and policy channels do not provide the opportunity for political participation, civil society organisations and social movements can serve as alternatives to traditional
Through a series of political, symbolic and judicial disputes that the collectives of relatives of the disappeared were engaged in for over 30 years, they acquired social legitimacy, publicly consolidating a set of representations concerning the dictatorial past. While family members sought to depoliticise the issue of the disappeared during the 1980s (affirming that the victims were not terrorists, but rather “decent young people, students, workers and parents”), they are currently working to demonstrate precisely what the victims were doing politically that transformed them into the targets of repression. In other words, if the histories of militancy of the disappeared were silenced during the period of democratic transition, this silence must be read in light of a context of strong adherence to discourses that justified lethal violence. In order to avoid integrating the negative alterity of the dictatorship (subversion), the denunciation of repression shed its ideological profile, giving rise to the construction of a humanitarian narrative that turned the disappeared into “victims of grave human rights violations”. 18 It was only in the second half of the 1990s that the memory
Social networking sites (SNS) seem to have become a political filtering platform that allows users to classify their online friends based on their political ideologies. Hiding and unfriending on social media has turned into a political gesture, discriminating individuals with opposite political views on SNS. Unfriending activities during the 2016 U.S. Presidential election and during the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement are two notable examples. Individuals consume politically congenial information and are surrounded by people who share similar views. The formation of echo chambers and the reason for relationship dissolution on SNS can be explained by Social Identity Theory (SIT), assuming that individuals maximize differences between the group they psychologically belong to and the opposition.
In the 1980s, the SC movement in UP entered a new phase of separation from and hostility to the mainstream parties and the upper caste Hindu community under the leadership of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Its emergence and establishment as an important political force can be traced to two interlinked developments in the state. The first is the steady decay and in fact a collapse of the „Congress system‟ in UP (Stone 1988). Centralization of power by Indira Gandhi and increasing central intervention in the 1970s destroyed local leadership, created rampant factionalism and led to disintegration of both the social base and the machinery of the party. Still dominated by upper-caste leaders, it failed to throw up BC or SC leaders and therefore became increasingly marginalized in a society where these caste groups had become important.
The present study is concerned with the relationship between the use of social media and forms of political participation, in an electoral context. this paper provides evidence that the effect of social interaction on participation is contingent on the amount of political discussion that occurs in social networks. Additional analysis shows the substantive and theoretical importance of such interaction by explaining how it is distinct from the effect of social group memberships and how it enhances the effect of individual education on the probability of participation. This key contribution of this paper is to show that models of political participation that do not account for informal social interaction will be theoretically underspecified. It also shows that such interactions play a crucial role in explicating the role of other factors that predict participation, such as group membership and individual resources. The social media must be used by Parliaments, Parliamentarians, governments and political parties as they are highly effective tools to involve and inform citizens in public policymaking and in the formation of governments. But all these groups must develop strategies to deal with a wide array of both positive and negative effects of these rapidly growing media, argued participants in the final plenary session. However, the workshop noted the social media are such powerful, effective and low-cost information sources that the problems surrounding them cannot and should not stop Parliaments and Members from developing effective ways to use them to inform responsibly and, in so doing, help teach young people how to separate good information from bad. Keywords: Governments, Social Media, Parliaments, Political Parties, Public Policymaking. INTRODUCTION:
We choose another avenue to sustain discrimination as an equilibrium outcome. We build upon work by Peski and Szentes (2013). They developed the notion that the perceived identity of a player changes as a result of his/her social interactions. In that paper, agents who are matched must decide whether or not to enter into a profitable relationship with each other. Each agent has a fixed physical identity and a malleable social one. Social color conveys information about who the agent has partnered with in her employment history. As in our paper, Peski and Szentes show that discrimination can arise spontaneously in equilibrium: Agents with the majority trait fear the consequences of social contamination that would leave them enjoying less opportunities should they interact with minority members. There are several technical differences between our approach and theirs. In Peski and Szentes (2013), an individual is randomly allocated to the role of employer or employee upon matching. Instead, we consider a more canonical labor market approach where the population is divided between firm owners and workers. This allows us to determine the full set of economic consequences of social discrimination which cannot be foreseen from Peski and Szentes’s paper (Peski and Szentes focus on the properties of equilibrium with discrimination rather than their consequences). In addition, we embed our modified Peski and Szentes’s framework in an institutional environment that encompasses a labour and a political market and we explore the demand and supply of social discrimination (in Peski and Szentes, 2013, there is no demand for discrimination as all agents lose when identity is salient). A further contribution is in exploring the labour market and fiscal consequences of discrimination. Finally, our model also suggests remedies to ameliorate the negative consequences on minority welfare.
The introduction of new information technology has a ripple effect, raising new ethical, social, and political issues that must be dealt with on the individual, social, and political levels. These issues have five moral dimensions: information rights and