9 where the act is done because of race, colour, or national or ethnic origin of that person or some or all of the group of people. Only a small amount of cases have made their way into the courts. Legally treated as a civil wrong, one problem Australian race hate victims have is hate speech has not been criminalised. This means individuals not the police, the Director of Public Prosecutions or the Australian Human Rights Commission must initiate complaints. As a result most complaints do not proceed any further than lodgement, some are resolved by conciliation, with many complaints being withdrawn or abandoned. One explanation for this is rights and freedoms are common law rights and the Australian legislature does not want to be seen as restricting those rights. That said, there have been a few successful complaints lodged under section 18C. In Kanapathy v In de Braekt (no.4)  FCCA 1368, K was a security guard at the Central Criminal Courts in Perth where a lawyer, dB, racially abused K after refusing a security check by calling him a “Singaporean Prick” and repeatedly swore at him. dB was ordered to pay K AUS$ 12,500 and was struck off. In Ejueyitsi v Commissioner of Police (Western Australia)  FMCA 12, E was humiliated by a police officer in a public place by unlawfully handcuffing him and stripped his clothes off while saying to E, “I am going to deal with you, you bloody African”. The complaint was upheld by the Federal Magistrates Court. Such successful complaints have been all too rare an occurrence and it is time the Australian legislature considers introducing hate crime offences that have a minimal impact on the freedom of expression. This view in how Australia is dealing with hate crime is not new. James’ 2007 study into the policing of right-wing violence in Australia identified several communities vulnerable to hate crime and advocated a commitment by the police to a ‘human rights enforcement ethic’ rendering intolerable the victimisation of vulnerable
Nevertheless, while some observers see in freedom of speech the revival of democracy, others find in it a platform to arise risks and controversies . Nowadays readers are exposed to different types of blogs and socialmedia platforms including but not limited to Facebook, twitter, Whatsapp, Instagram, YouTube and others. They are animated by three philosophical rationales: search for truth, self-governance, and self-fulfillment, as argued by Feldman . The author hence suggests that people like to exchange ideas to identify truth and false issues. Free discussions of political issues are a prerequisite for democracy. Self-fulfillment identifies a person’s potential and ambitions. Searching for the truth is therefore the main objective for journalists. However, the word “journalism” is changing dramatically. The profession is shrinking, since everyone, without even being a journalist, can express his or her ideas on any socialmedia platform in what is essentially a form of self-expression [6,7]. In addition, any ordinary citizen journalist can send pictures and videos to broadcast media, or any other media outlet to be broadcasted to the world. In this context, extremists do not lack ideas that can serve their extremism. “One innovation, noted by terrorism expert JM Berger, was an app designed for Twitter called The Dawn of Glad Tidings, which allowed Isis to build up huge surges of re-tweets around particular topics” . To note that new waves of propaganda had prompted debate about the degree of the media itself and its role in providing the “oxygen of publicity” needed by certain groups who exploited the latest technologies for unprecedented purposes . In parallel, they also prompted another debate about people’s reaction and the way they
advent of socialmedia, most notably, platforms such as Facebook and Twitter, has been cherished by liberals and progressives alike as the dawn of a new age for free speech and expansion of domain for more civic and groups of individuals and people. The euphoria that defined the prevalent mood in the 2000s later devolved into a more sober and realistic attitude among champions of unrestrained free expression. Once seen as engines of freedom of thought and speech, socialmedia, and Facebook as the subject matter of this paper, are no longer regarded as flawless platforms after the rise of right-wing driven speech, the prevalent intolerance and online mobbing, truth politics in our daily life and political conduct. Not surprisingly, Facebook has found itself at the heart of a sprawling academic and media controversy about the major tenets of social setting and body politic. It now stands trial of a rigorous questioning over its possible role for the reverse of tide regarding free speech. Is Facebook responsible civic social conduct? To what extent, can Facebook be held accountable for the deterioration of free speech, violation of individual rights and encroachment on individual privacy? What would be the limit for free speech or should be any? Should Facebook intervene to remove the content of a hate speech or endorse, no matter what the content is, of unlimited right to free expression? These questions constitute the main structure of this essay. It aims to analyze the central pillars of the rding the boundaries of free speech and Facebook’s role to define what would be the limitations to restrict what could be written and what not. I’ll dwell upon the arguments of both sides, and will try to show g for more interference by Facebook against xenophobic groups while also taking on the stance of those who staunchly oppose any
www.ijsernet.org Page 87 expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinion without interference and to seek, receive and import information and ideas through media and regardless of frontiers.” (UNGAR 1948). In 1960, the Economic and Social council of the United Nations adopted a derivative from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Sweden became the first country in the world to enact a provision for access to official information for the citizens (Gupta 2007). The Rome Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950) came into force on 3rd September, 1953. Also, Article 10, of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights spells the freedom of expression that (i) everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers. This Article shall not prevent states from requiring the licensing of broadcasting, television or cinema enterprises, and (ii) the exercise of these freedoms since it carries with its duties and responsibilities may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interest of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or right of others, for preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, or for maintaining the authority and impartiality of judiciary (Das 2010:15).
risk-reduction curriculum designed for African-American adolescents, ages 14 – 18. 12 The curriculum consists of eight, 1.5- to 2-hour sessions that include interactive group discussions and role-playing. Participants are encouraged to practice safer-sex skills and to spread the word about HIV prevention to their friends. Unique fea- tures of this curriculum include adolescent involvement in all aspects of the curriculum and gender-speci ﬁ c groups facilitated by both male and female facilitators. The curri- culum has been effective with both sexually experienced and abstinent youth in increasing HIV knowledge and sexual assertiveness. However, 12 months post interven- tion teens began showing risker sexual behaviors (J. St. Lawrence, personal communication, September 16, 2007). Living as a Safer Teen (LAST) is an adapted version of BART. From a validation study with 65 teens in Botswana, BART was revised to include additional information on intergenerational sex and reproductive health. 13 Similar to BART, LAST consists of eight sessions with interactive group discussions and role-playing. While the adaptations were found to be culturally relevant for Botswana youth, the curriculum continues to be delivered face to face to limited numbers of youth, who own mobile devices and have access to socialmedia sites. Thus, both BART and LAST are practical curriculums for mobile delivery.
We present a successfully implemented document repository REST service for flexible SCRUD (search, create, read, update, delete) storage of socialmedia and speech conversations, using a GATE/TIPSTER-like document object model and providing a query language for document features. This software is currently being used in the SENSEI research project and will be published as open-source software before the project ends. It is, to the best of our knowledge, the first freely available, general purpose data repository to support large-scale multimodal (i.e., speech or text) conversation analytics.
Freedom of speech and expression is the bulwark of the democratic government. This freedom is essential for the true spirit of democracy. In a democracy freedom of speech and expression opens up channels for discussion. Rightly as one of the significant objectives of Indian Constitution as the preamble describes, is to secure liberty of thought and expressions to the citizens of India. The Article 19(1) (a) of the constitution. The fundamental right to speech and expression can never be exercised until and unless the information regarding public matters is being circulated. Article 19(1)(a) of the constitution. The fundamental right to speech and expression can never be exercised until and unless the information regarding public matters is being circulated. Article 19(1) (a) of the Constitutional guarantees the fundamental rights to freedom of speech and expression. Besides Article 19(1) (a), the other articles which give right to information under Indian Constitution are Articles 311(2) and 22(1). Article 311(2) provides for a government servant to know why he is being dismissed or removed or being demoted and representation can be made against the order. By way of Article 22(1) a person can know the grounds for his detention. The prerequisite for enjoying this right is knowledge and information. The absence of authentic information on matters of public interest will only encourage wild rumours and speculations and avoidable allegations against individuals and institutions. Therefore, the right to information becomes a constitutional right, being an aspect of the right to free speech and expression which includes the right to receive and collect information.
Diagrams and maps of social networks typically show multiple threads connecting network nodes or members in complex arrays. The hierarchical structures of groups give way to structures that are fluid, complex, and that evolve to create new linkages as old and unused ones atrophy. The network structure forces and affords individuals and sub-networks to engage in responsible decision-making for them- selves rather than relying on others to make decisions or filter information flow. In aggregate, the people in a network make decisions and move in specific directions, but the direction and focus of this movement cannot usually be dictated by any individual member. Rather, in the interactions of networks, members’ directions, strategies, and ideals are created and enacted. It is, however, an oversimplification to suggest that networks are topologically flat structures where all play an equal role. Small-world networks are an extremely common form in social systems, with parts of different networks joined by highly connected nodes and supernodes that are typically of greater relative importance than those with fewer connections, at least when we are looking at flows of information or feelings. However, this is a complex area of ongoing study: while highly connected nodes with many edges are important to the spread of knowledge through a network, they are not neces- sarily the most influential nodes in a human system, nor do they effectively close connections among other nodes. Rather, they are necessary conduits through which knowledge flows and may be filtered or transformed.
Also, the data analysis was done based on Van Dijk (2006)’s theoretical approach of CDA. According to him, CDA should focus on how discourse structure influence the formation and change of the mental models and social representations. Van Dijk (2006) defines “ideologies as shared mental representations of some kind, in a way that might be compared with the way language use is based on a shared grammar or discourse and conversation rules” (p.731). Also, he proposes an ideological square that highlights the two macro strategies: positive self representation (in-group favouritism) and the negative other representation (derogation of out-group). The square consists of the following overall strategies that ideological discourse has:
In oral speech, there are so many unexpected phrases that come from the intonation. For example, Soat nechchi bo‘ldi? (what time is it?) O‘nta kam bir –O‘nta kampir. (the nine to forty – Ten old women); Hafsalasi pir bo‘ldi – Xapsalasi pir bo‘ldi. (He was depressed – He was bitter (the word pir is an expression of old meaning without unstressed i, with an emphasis on the teacher meaning). According to the intonation, the sounds of vocal sounds in the result of slanging create a completely different meaning: sudxo‘r – sutxo‘r. As we can see from the above, the form sound of the text has special importance.
building and maintaining computing infrastructures . This paper introduces internet-based cloud computing and exploring the Characteristics, service models which are used these days as well as the benefits and the challenges of using cloud computing in the social networks. In this paper we have analyzed the recent works being done to solve the privacy issues in OSNs. We have shown the advantages and limitations of each one. Finally we have presented an abstract solution to encounter these limitations. In this work all private data are shielded from OSN and unauthorized users by storing data in trusted/personal cloud storage. Furthermore we brought a simplified means of accessing data through providing a user with token and secret information without the need of encryption to avoid computational complexity. We believed our work when implemented would solve many privacy issues relevant to socialmedia network [12, 27].
We acknowledge that some of our users require the use of programs that don’t conform to the Debian Free Software Guidelines. We have created “contrib.” and “non- free” areas in our FTP archive for this software. The software in these directories is not part of the Debian system, although it has been confi gured for use with Debian. We en- courage CD manufacturers to read the licenses of software packages in these directories and determine if they can distribute that software on their CDs. Thus, although non- free software isn’t a part of Debian, we support its use, and we provide infrastructure (such as our bug- tracking system and mailing lists) for non- free software packages. This charter is a strong statement of intent concerning Debian’s role, commitments, and goals, declared notably beyond the Debian project to the users of this distribution. It elevates the virtues of transparency and ac- countability, and seeks to foster a commonwealth that upholds the produc- tion of free software and the pragmatic needs of users. Although the charter affi rms a well- defi ned moral commitment to free software and a community of users, it also formulates, in its last provision, the pragmatic limits to such “ideological” adherence, sanctioning to a limited degree the use of nonfree software by providing a place for it. In part, this decision refl ected the state of free software during the period when the Social Contract was composed as well as an existing desire to ground Debian’s shared moral commitments within technical pragmatism. At the time the charter was drafted, there were a number of important software applications like browsers and word pro- cessors that simply had no robust free software equivalent. For example, while Netscape existed and was free as in beer, it was not free as in speech; the source was unavailable for use, modifi cation, and circulation.
In the context of SocialMedia Analytics, Natural Language Processing tools face new chal- lenges on on-line conversational text, such as microblogs, chat, or text messages, because of the specificity of the language used in these channels. This work addresses the problem of Part- Of-Speech tagging (initially for French but also for English) on noisy language usage from the popular socialmedia services like Twitter, Facebook and forums. We employ a linear-chain con- ditional random fields (CRFs) model, enriched with several morphological, orthographic, lexical and large-scale word clustering features. Our experiments used different feature configurations to train the model. We achieved a higher tagging performance with these features, compared to baseline results on French socialmedia bank. Moreover, experiments on English socialmedia content show that our model improves over previous works on these data.
150 In 2012 the Council of Europe in preparation of its campaign against online hate speech, conducted a mapping of existing initiatives addressing cyber hate. They focused on projects or organizations addressing the specific issue of online hate speech to conclude that relatively few organizations work specifically on this issue. In this regard, the recent study by UNESCO (2015) further provides an overview of responses to online hate speech. Among the responses described in the study, campaigns alerting companies advertising on socialmedia of hate content serve as a tool making socialmedia platforms react and withdraw hate content through reactions from advertisers. For example, in 2013 the group “Women, Action and the Media and the Everyday Sexism Project” in the UK launched a campaign showing page advertisements of prominent companies on Facebook pages that disseminated graphic sexist content. In response to the campaign, “Nissan and the insurance company Nationwide” withdrew their ads from Facebook. Having achieved this, the organizers together with online supporters began sending written complaints and photos of different adverts on hateful pages to other major companies on their socialmedia platforms, urging them to follow suit. As a result of this campaign, 15 major companies decided to remove their adverts from Facebook. Shortly after, Facebook removed the content, and issued a statement expressing the need to clarify their content regulation policies and promote collaboration with organizations preventing online hate speech (UNESCO, 2015). It is also presumed that Monitoring hate speech is key to understanding the phenomenon of online hate speech, and this monitoring tends to be conducted exclusively through collecting user complaints, which does not give a complete picture of the scale of the problem (Olga & Roiha, 2016). This few existing studies demonstrate that hate speech is quite prevalent, causes violence and a series of other related problems, intrapersonally, interpersonally and massively in the society which could also make business owners or online intermediaries loose customers or clients.
The basic hypothesis of this study is the following: through into the impact of different components on the idiom of the residents of Split City, it is possible to suggest a new information model for the impact of the mentioned components on the Split idiom over the period 1960-2060. The s that have been selected on the information on the influence of settlers on the speech of genuine residents of Split, Croatia, through 2060. By calculating the direct growth rates of ble to observe changes in the intensity of rate growth of the selected variables as well as their structural relationship. The scientific confirmation of the Chakavian is Croatian developed for centuries. in a number of various publications since the first days of Croatian dialectology and will, understandably, continue to be analysed for many years to come. Due to their diversity, it is relatively hard to classify Chakavian dialects so that researchers tend to use various criteria. The most recent categorisation was provided by Brozović in his paper
In this perspective piece, we discuss the politics of fashion in the cultural West. We cover issues of social expectation and individual freedom. We comment on where society draws the line with regard to public decency. We also comment on how the approach taken by society to health and public safety issues related to fashion differs markedly from that taken to other simi- lar items.
We then consider how to address the prob- lem of language variation, by building social awareness into a recurrent neural tagging model. Our modeling approach is inspired by Yang and Eisenstein (2017), who train a mixture-of-experts for sentiment analysis, where the expert weights are computed from social network node embed- dings. But while prior work demonstrated im- provements in sentiment analysis and information extraction (Yang et al., 2016), this approach does not yield any gains on part-of-speech tagging. We conclude the paper by briefly considering possi- ble reasons for this discrepancy, and propose ap- proaches for future work in social adaptation of syntactic analysis. 1
What about speaker’s intent? Can we distinguish conduct that is speech from conduct that is not by reference to whether those engaged in the conduct intended thereby to send a message? In a word, no. The person who shoots the mailman does not raise a free speech issue—even a losing one—by claiming, sincerely, that he did so to protest the mail service. Similarly for someone who rehearses his lines in a play in his apartment in a loud voice that comes across as unintelligible and irksome noise to the other tenants. Conversely, even where there is no speaker, and thus no speaker’s intent, a free speech claim may rightly lie. If the pounding of waves on the rocks has left the marks “Throw the rascals out”, and government closes off the beach to prevent people from seeing those marks and taking their “message” to heart—perhaps they will think this is a message from God— then I would submit that the government is doing what freedom of speech forbids. It is likewise doing what freedom of speech forbids if it forbids a certain line of research—say, into racial differences in intelligence —because it fears the message that the findings might convey, even though the researchers are not intending to send any message by conducting the research 2 . And a fortiori, the same is true when there is a speaker, but the speaker has no constitutional rights—as when the speaker is dead or is a foreigner. Karl Marx’s writings come within freedom of speech even though he is both dead and foreign—at least if the government suppresses them because of the ideas Marx expressed.