“remarginalize” the multicultural family. The sentiment expressed by Lee is not only shared by most of the critics of the state multicultural programs, but also is the key to understanding the opposition between genuine multiculturalism and fake multiculturalism that has been promoted by them. I argue this assumption of the opposition made up another important reality in the multicultural scene in Korea as follows: First, the presumed gap and/or binary was used to differentiate civil society from the state, and, more specifically, civil society organized multicultural programs from the state programs for marriage immigrants and multicultural families. Second, it tended to emphasize the domain of “culture” as opposed to the state’s (some “disingenuous”) political intentions. For example, in stressing the role of “civil society,” some of the activists I met expressed their fear of damunhwa “being politically used by the government.” Some even told me that, in the damunhwa situation in Korea there is no “culture” but only “politics.” Third, that binary always assumed the presence of a model and/or textbook multiculturalism outside the country, thus leading to the numerous seminars held to discuss the cases of other countries such as Australia and Canada and the invitation of the “multicultural specialists” from overseas. Last, and in relation to the second and third points, it was almost always narrowed down to the importance of multicultural education aimed at majority Koreans and their cultivation of “multicultural awareness and sensitivity.” Interestingly, however, the state government (especially through the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism) also placed an an emphasis on “culture,” seriously studied overseas models, and promoted the importance of multicultural education has been seriously overlooked and/or
Following the collapse of the respective military government, in the attempt to eradicate corruption, the people of SouthKorea and Indonesia, formed hundreds of anti-corruption organization, trying to inflame anti-corruption sentiments through various means and networks. Civil society organizations (CSOs) then played an important role in uncovering and taking corruption issues into the public domain and made a number of impressive achievements. They have been successful in bringing corrupt state officials to court, which has resulted in a prison sentence. In addition, the role of CSOs is not limited to acting as a 'watchdog' for the government, but also includes the initiation of a number of strategic policies. Under the influence of CSOs, a number of institutional and legal framework to combat corruption were established.
Secondly, in social policy the administrative definition is also very important. The administrative definition usually decides the scope of social services provided for disabled people. But the administrative definition is usually influenced by the medical definition or clinical certification. In particular when the government decides the range of eligibility, it tends to follow the clinical categorisation of the disabled of medical specialists. In another sense, the attitude of government towards the disabled may influence the definition of disability. We can take one example from John Moore's speech, who was the Minister for Health and Social Services in Britain. He said that "under the guise of compassion people were encouraged to see themselves as victims of circumstance, mere putty in the grip of giant forces beyond their control. Rather than being seen as individuals, people were categorised into groups and given labels that enshrined their dependent status: 'unemployed', 'single parent', 'handicapped'. Thus their confidence and will to help themselves was subtly undermined, and they were taught to think only government action could affect their lives" (Moore, 1988). At that time the government considered the disabled as a "burden on society". Consequently the government saw the disabled in terms of the notion of dependency.
The debate contributed to establish not only the concerted effort of the progressive groups to abolish the NSL but also to the consolidation of conservative forces. The consecutive defeat of the conservative party in the 2002 presidential election made con- servative political blocs and social blocs unite and eventually ended up with the forma- tion of the National Association of the New Right (NANR) in 2005. It was a civil organization composed of diverse conservative social groups. It worked as a corre- sponding conservative organization in civil society with the conservative opposition party. The conservative party succeeded in organizing conservative and even reaction- ary social groups in the civil society in which protestant church leaders played the key role. 4 Church leaders accused any attempts to change the NSL as suspicious activities to benefit North Korea. Thus, the NANR vehemently opposed attempts to abolish or revise the NSL by the ruling party and democratic social forces. Because the opposition to the revision of the NSL was so fierce, some ruling party members were reluctant to support the revision because the public opinion for the revision was not so good in their local constituencies. In 2005, the ruling party and the opposition party agreed on the necessity of the revision of the NSL and submitted bills for revision of it, they failed to revise it due to the disagreement in details.
However, a closer sociological examination of the successes of this program will indeed sound an alarm bell regarding the future implications of this policy. In short while the manifest functions of the program have been clearly met, there are emergent latent functions of the plans to reduce fertility that were not originally anticipated and are now causing concerns regarding the future of the South Korean society. These concerns that will be addressed below are not pecu- liar to Korea. Any country that is currently undergoing a transition to below re- placement level fertility would face population decline in the absence of immi- gration. The number of countries with projected decline in indigenous popula- tion outside Western Europe where it has been the established pattern for a few decades is on the rise, especially in Eastern Europe and North-East Asia where the trend is now well established, and the Middle East, with more regions see- mingly poised to follow suit.
Third, the tax revision is aimed at supporting sustainable growth by nurturing new growth engines and increasing support to raise corporate competitiveness, and preparing for an ageing society: 1) R&D tax credit to be expanded to cover 3D technologies, next generation LCD technologies, and IT convergence technologies, 2) reduced tariff rates to be applied to the imports of materials and parts used in new growth engine related industries, 3) corporate restructuring-related tax incentives to be extended, 4) child tax credit given to households with more than two children to be doubled, and 5) tax credit for retirement pension and savings to be increased.
During my visit, I attended the 9 Korea Health Panel conference, and presented my research paper titled, “Trajectories of income status and changes in chronic conditions among older Koreans.” The Korea Health Panel (KHP) has a nationally representative data sample from 2008 and 2015. The KHP collects data every year, and as of now eight waves of data are available. The KHP includes a variety of variables related to health, health care expenditure, and utilization, as well as socio-economic
Under the pressure of the East Asian financial crisis in 1997/98, the South Korean government under Kim Dae-Jung introduced a couple of social policy packages already during and within the aftermath of the East Asian financial crisis. Due to such an unusual response for an Asian country, SouthKorea is identified as an outstanding case with regard to the extension of social policy initiatives even after the crisis, whereas other countries limited their extensions of social policies (Gough, 2004, pp. 21). The status of SouthKorea as an unusual case is mentioned as well in the research of Kwon and Holliday (2007). The Japanese Ministry of Health and Welfare released information on the social security system in SouthKorea. The ministry argues that in SouthKorea there exist three kinds of social welfare. These are “social insurance, public assistance and social welfare programs” (Ministry of Health and Welfare, 2012). Increased social spending by the government is also subject for public discussion on a Korean welfare state. According to The Korea Herald (2012), Korean politics in 2011 were marked by an ideological struggle on social welfare, whether to enlarge social policies or limit social policies (Power, 2012). As mentioned by Gough et al. (2004), these social policies of the Kim Dae Jung government consist of “public social protection systems, which are not unlike those in Western Europe” (p.299). Additionally to these social policies, Lee (2005) notes that Kim Dae Jung incorporated a so-called productive welfare pillar next to democracy and market economy, which are important pillars of the South Korean state. But due to nearly alike terms, it is important not to mix up the productive welfare pillar and the productivist welfare regime. The productive welfare pillar as meant by Dae Jung inherit the aims to “expand welfare reforms and to increase social expenditure” (Lee, 2005, p.1). In the regime type of Holliday (2000), social policy was subordinate to economic growth and thus social reforms were nearly non-existent since the family was central in caring for their well-being. The new approach by the government of Kim Dae Jung is regarded by Lee (2005) as a commitment to develop into a welfare state (p.2).
South Korean organic agriculture increased ten-fold from 2004 to 2009 - from a very low base of 902 hectares, to 9729 hectares (see Fig.1). While these are very modest fi gures, all the indications are that Korea is poised for a significant embrace of organics, and that substantial increases in its organic area, in the immediate future, seem likely. The corresponding fi gures for North Korea (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) are not reported in Willer & Kilcher (2009).
The Graduate School of Korean Studies (GKS) is a subsidiary of the Academy of Korean Studies, dedicated to research related to humanities and social sciences in the field of Korean Studies. The Graduate School's mission is to explore the essence of Korean culture and its impact on the future of Korea while cultivating superior scholars who will contribute to the development and globalization of Korean Studies.
the modern conditions is not just an independent factor of devel- opment – it is decisive. The evaluation of phenomena of informa- tion, new and virtual economies is encouraged, which requires un- biased independent research, as in the depths of Internet not only «virtual economy» but also «virtual politics», «virtual diplomacy, «virtual culture», «virtual education» emerge. It becomes obvious that informglobalism dominant in almost all the global markets leads to operating by its participants not only virtual assets and li- abilities but also virtual knowledge in ever increasing amounts. Multimedia companies globally organized actually suppress through the influence of non-economic and non-coercive character immediately on people's mind the individuality and intellect, while ruthlessly exploiting them. The illusion of absence of limitations obvious for the traditional mind makes a human being more free with regard to realizing his potential, thereby increasing the social productivity. At the same time, the unprecedented online mass- media impact on the conscience made possible actually formalizes the most areas of life, imposes on the society the global pseudocul- ture standards. However, the realities of the information age stimulate the intellectual individualism, as the most creative part of the information values of civilization is not on physical media (hard disks, CD, web servers), but in the minds of people, their skills, talents, awareness and sensitivity to the creative self- development. In this context, the prospects of development are as- sociated with the transformation of the innovation economy into the intellectual and creative one.
Continual varicella outbreaks despite high vaccination cover- age and disappointing results of our observational studies led us to do the immunogenicity study on Suduvax (Green Cross, SouthKorea), which was the most common vaccine (46.2% of the sub- jects who provided the name of the vaccine products) among the total eight vaccines received by the patients in our case-control study. The classic FAMA assay using varicella-zoster virus-in- fected live cells was chosen and established with the help of Anne Gershon at Columbia University, since the classic FAMA assay has been known as the optimal test to measure immunogenicity of varicella vaccine, and glycoprotein (gp)-based enzyme-linked im- munosorbent assay (gpELISA), which has mostly been used in the development of varicella vaccine, was not available. Our data on Suduvax (Green Cross, SouthKorea) revealed a seroconversion rate of 76.67% and a GMT of 5.31, which seemed a bit lower than the data by Michalik et al., who used sera which were obtained longer than 3 months following vaccination with the Merck/Oka varicella vaccine and had been kept frozen for several years (9). It seemed much lower than the above-mentioned high postvaccina- tion GMT and seroconversion rate of prelicensure immunogenic- ity on Suduvax measured by the FAMA assay, which used glutar- aldehyde-treated cells (43). These findings indicate that classic FAMA assay using live cells has revealed the actuality and explains the current situation of varicella and varicella vaccination in SouthKorea and that Suduvax (Green Cross, SouthKorea) may not be immunogenic enough to be effective in preventing varicella in SouthKorea.
On the one hand, SouthKorea is a relatively small country. Unless and until freight can move across the border into North Korea and thence into China or Russia, there is not a lot of obviously untapped potential for growth in rail freight volume. The economics literature examining the cost structure of railways suggests the presence of economies of system size that are likely not exhausted in the South Korean setting (Waters, 2007). On the other hand, SouthKorea has one of the most densely operated railways in the world (Table 2), so that economies of density, at least, may not be a barrier to the creation of freight competition. Again there is no obviously correct policy. However, if policy makers are considering creating competitive markets for passenger rail, why not for freight rail as well?
Northeast Asia is becoming increasingly integrated in the economic “axis” of the Peo- ple’s Republic of China. Even the world’s third and eleventh largest national economies (Japan and SouthKorea) now have the closest possible ties with the emerging super- power China. At the same time, however, China uses its economic influence to assert political demands (e.g. in territorial disputes). All three major economies of Northeast Asia are facing similar challenges arising from the need to restructure their economic systems: in the shift to knowledge-based economies, digitalisation and artificial intelligence. At the same time, intra-regional competition grows more intense because future value creation (as is the case in Europe) is sought in identical fields such as in robotics, nanotechnology and biotechnology.
expenditure, with the remaining medicines used in hospitals . There are several types of medicines available in Korea including new medicines, generic medicines, and line extensions. These will now be described in more detail, with comparisons with other countries where pertinent including generic prices in Europe. The price of medicines is regulated by the government under the NHI.. The costs of prescribed drugs are compensated by the NHIS, with patient co-payment for prescribed drugs approximately 30%. The price regulation for medicines is currently managed by the Health Insurance Review and Assessment (HIRA) agency and the NHIS, and final approvals are made by the Ministry of Health and Welfare (MOHW).
average annual precipitation is 1,294 mm, with 65% occurring between July and September. The Han River is subject to annual flooding during the heavy monsoonal rainfall with exceptional peaks every 3-5 years. The studied flood was generated as a result of exceptionally heavy, seasonal rainfall (typhoon 'Ewiniar') which produced one of the highest floods in the last 25 years (Fig.2). Since 1984, the South Korean flood forecasting system has issued 13 flood alerts under two categories ('Flood advisory’ and ‘Flood warning’). The 2006 event was classified as “Flood advisory”, and produced the 9 th highest recorded water level at the Hang River Bridge monitoring station since 1920; indeed the