State-building in the Failed States

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Ironies of state building: a comparative perspective on the American state

Ironies of state building: a comparative perspective on the American state

residents and citizens. Such goods then extend into familiar activities like the rule of law and the legitimation of the state’s operations, democratic participatory rights, and the social rights of citizenship. Weak states can become failed states when they are of- ten in a condition of crisis and when their public officials confront regular challenges to their authority and incumbency. But the volume’s main emphasis is on the less consid- ered nature of failed and collapsed states. Crucial to the onset of state failure is precari- ous and unresolved inter-group conflict of such intensity and endurance that it prevents the state from functioning in any meaningful way. This condition renders these states zones of permanent intergroup violence and often civil war. It also means central state authority over peripheral areas is at best tenuous and frequently absent. Violent factions sustain civil war and criminal gangs complement this misery in daily life. Terror, real or implied, often prevails and commonplace institutional expressions of states power and authority such as bureaucracy, infrastructure, or basic services such as medical facilities have vanished. In sum, failed states provide none of the political and public goods asso- ciated with modern polities. At its most extreme a failed state transforms into a col- lapsed state in which, “political goods are obtained through private or ad hoc means. Security is equated with the rule of the strong. A collapsed state exhibits a vacuum of authority. It is a mere geographical expression, a black hole into which a failed polity has fallen.” 61 Rotberg cites Somalia from the late 1980s, Bosnia, and Lebanon as cases.
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Canada: National-building in a federal welfare state

Canada: National-building in a federal welfare state

In 1935, it looked as if electoral pressures had finally produced a more formal program. The Conservative government, itself facing imminent electoral defeat, passed an Employment and Social Insurance Act. Desultory intergovernmental consultations on constitutional reform to formalise federal jurisdiction in the area had gone nowhere, and Prime Minister Bennett simply asserted that the federal government already possessed the necessary authority. He was wrong, however, both politically and legally. Death-bed repentance did not save the government, and the Liberals were returned to power. They delayed implementation of the Act, referring it to the courts, and in 1937 the courts struck it down as intruding on provincial jurisdiction. The Liberals started another round of discussions of constitutional reform, but failed to secure sufficient provincial consent before the war. Thus, despite manifest hardships, the 1930s did not witness a watershed in Canadian social politics, and no innovations on the scale of the New Deal in the United States took place. Decentralisation was not the only, or even the most important factor at work, and some analysts question whether federalism was significant at all (Struthers 1983:209; Noël 1999). Obviously, it is impossible to be sure whether Canada would have had a more robust response had the constitutional constraint not existed. But in the judicious assessment of Les Pal, “federalism weighed on the side of the set of forces that together acted to delay implementation”, and Canada would likely “have had UI sooner had constitutional complications not stood in the way” (Pal 1988: 152, 167). Certainly, the 1937 decision of the courts convinced an entire generation of social planners, labour leaders and social reformers, at least in English-speaking Canada, that decentralisation was a roadblock on the way to social justice (Owram 1986, esp. chapter 9).
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Homeless and Helpless: How the United States has Failed Those With Severe and Persistent Mental Illness

Homeless and Helpless: How the United States has Failed Those With Severe and Persistent Mental Illness

Moral treatment was established at some institutions, but “the general sense of social responsibility toward the unfortunate was not very strong during this era.” 37 People suffering from SPMI often ended up in jail or local poorhouses, “undifferentiated from offenders and the destitute poor.” 38 Dorothea Dix brought attention to the awful treatment of this population and was a key figure in the building and expanding of specialized mental hospital facilities. 39 “The mental hospital system marked a real advance from the indiscriminate practices that preceded it. The evidence is that the conditions mental hospitals provided were relatively humane and therapeutic.” 40 By the 1870’s nearly every state had one or more such treatment facilities funded by state tax dollars. 41
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Building New States: Lessons from Eritrea

Building New States: Lessons from Eritrea

Privatization began with small and medium-sized state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Some 700 small-scale shops were sold by the end of 1993. A national agency to supervise the privatization of large SOEs was established in December 1995. In contrast to Ethiopia, the Government of Eritrea's economic strategy appears to place greater emphasis on privatization (on Ethiopia, see Hansson 1995: 121). Therefore in 1997 it was decided to privatize all 39 SOEs in manufacturing (GSE 1995). However, the privatization of large SOEs has fallen behind target and only 11 enterprises had been privatized by mid-1998 (IMF 1998: 24). Foreign interest in buying SOEs was limited before May 1998—two state farms failed to sell, for example—and declined further with the onset of war. By May 1998 only 25 per cent of the SOEs slated for privatization had been sold (World Bank 1998b). As an interim measure, the government decided that SOEs should be run by autonomous boards and should operate on commercial conditions—thereby increasing management accountability and making the business more attractive if eventually privatized.
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Democracy and the Crisis of Legitimacy:   Peace Formation and Failed State Building in Africa

Democracy and the Crisis of Legitimacy: Peace Formation and Failed State Building in Africa

The failure of external intervention in peace formation and state-building in Africa is attributable to a number of factors. The EU, UN and several state-supported organizations are involved in peace efforts in Africa but little success is achieved. According to Lurweg and Soderbaum (2011) based on their study of EU’s involvement in peace-building process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo(DRC), “the EU is more concerned with establishing symbolic presence and political representation rather than real achievements and genuine peace-building on the ground”. This to them is not unconnected with EU’s lack of coherence and effectiveness due to its “bureaucratic and organizational complexity” (ibid.). In a similar vein, Davis (2011) examines EU’s post-conflicts interventions in the DRC in the area of peace and justice reforms and good governance especially in “fragile contexts such as the DRC in which violence was either ongoing or seemed likely to erupt, where peace deals have entrenched impunity for human rights violations within public institutions and particularly within the security system, and how and where they do so in practice” (ibid.). Makinda (2010: ) in his submission states that many Africans see EU’s involvement in what he calls ‘democracy building in africa’ as a mixed blessing as perceptions vary from place to place depending on the following variables: “geographical region, countries’ stability and level of democratic development, and individuals’ gender and level of education” (Makinda, ibid., p.3 ). According to him, some African diplomats and politicians regard the notion of the EU as development partners as misleading because “The term ‘partnership’, which denotes equality, is inappropriate and tends to camouflage the disparity in power and influence between Africa and the EU”. Therefore, Professor Makinda appears to suggest that democracy building in the absence of infrastructural development is a half measure. For he concludes as follows:
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Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Following the Law No. 5/1974, the Soeharto government enacted the 1979 Law on Village Administration (Law No. 5/1979), embarking on the control of traditional village communities left intact since the years of Dutch colonial rule. Under the new law, the central government effectively dismantled village communities that had ruled themselves on the basis of common law (adat), and instead uniformly built administrative villages called “desa,” a term originating in Javanese, across the country 10 . The law, on the face of it, allowed desa autonomy, but in reality, established the system that ensured the central government’s directive be carried to desa at the furthest end of the administrative line. In parallel with the administrative reorganization, the military established the territorial security system from the central government all the way down to desa, substantially strengthening the function of control and surveillance over local residents 11 . This system was established bearing in mind the fact that communism spread from the levels of villages in Java during the Soekarno era. In addition, the Soeharto regime clamped down hard on Holy War Command (Komando Jihad) and other radical Muslim groups seeking the establishment of an Islamic state, and has all political and social organizations recognize Pancasila as the only principles for their existence by 1985, elevating the system of centralization to a near-perfection 12 .
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Oil and State Building in South Sudan

Oil and State Building in South Sudan

The oil produced in South Sudan is exported via two main pipelines that run through the north to the export terminal at Port Sudan, on the Red Sea. Before the referendum, there was much discussion about the prospects for constructing an alternative pipeline that would take oil from South Sudan to export through Kenya. However, this would take at least three years to design and build—probably much longer—and there are as yet no clear propos- als for how to finance it. In the history of international oil and gas pipelines, far more are mooted than built, and political will alone cannot create them; there needs to be the oil to put in them and a compelling commercial case for investment. The existing export pipelines from Sudan were financed and built by the consortia of oil companies producing oil in Sudan. There is little economic incentive for these companies or anyone else to finance a multibil- lion-dollar pipeline unless there is additional oil to export through it. If South Sudan cannot get reliable access to the existing export network, then a southern pipeline will be essen- tial. However, this would sharply cut into the government’s oil revenue, whether the state finances the pipeline itself or offsets construction costs as part of oil company costs.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS STATE BUILDING CODE 2005 CONNECTICUT SUPPLEMENT. State Building Code Connecticut Supplement

TABLE OF CONTENTS STATE BUILDING CODE 2005 CONNECTICUT SUPPLEMENT. State Building Code Connecticut Supplement

(Add) 110.1.2 Statement of professional opinion. Pursuant to section 29-276c of the Connecticut General Statutes, no certificate of occupancy shall be issued for a proposed structure or addition to buildings classified as (1) assembly, educational, institutional, high hazard, transient residential, which includes hotels, motels, rooming or boarding houses, dormitories or similar buildings, other than residential buildings designed to be occupied by one or more families, without limitation as to size or number of stories; (2) business, factory and industrial, mercantile, moderate and low hazard storage, having three stories or more or exceeding 30,000 square feet total gross area; and (3) nontransient residential dwellings having more than 16 units or 24,000 square feet total gross area per building, until the building official has been provided with a statement signed by the architect or professional engineer and the general contractor stating that the completed structure or addition is in substantial compliance with the approved plans on file.
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The financial alchemy that failed

The financial alchemy that failed

It is not only through inflated ratings that investment banks were able to mislead regulators and their creditors. According Haldane et al. (2010, p. 89) ‘Those banks with the highest leverage are the also the ones who have reported the largest write-downs. That suggests banks may have invested in riskier assets, which regulatory weights failed to capture.’ It seems that banks could - and apparently did - assign deliberately low risk weights in calculating the capital requirements of Basel II. i This meant more profits, but much greater vulnerability.

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State and Local Pensions in the United States

State and Local Pensions in the United States

While the number of public sector plans continued to grow during the depression, as the nation’s economy continued its plunge, policymakers at the federal, state, and local levels became increasingly concerned, more generally, about the plight of older Americans and their lack of income in retirement. At the same time, the decline in tax revenues made it difficult to allocate public monies to programs for the elderly. Federal works programs were designed to create jobs for the unemployed, but with the unemployment rate over 20 percent for four consecutive years, policymakers hoped to move the elderly out of the labor force to make way for younger workers. The passage of the Social Security Act offered the possibility for workers to retire, thus making way for younger workers, and to have a guaranteed income for the rest of their lives. However, public employees were specifically excluded from coverage by Social Security.
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Creating Healthy States: Building Healthy Schools

Creating Healthy States: Building Healthy Schools

Promoting student wellness is essential for reasons other than its impact on student achievement. The obesity epidemic seems to be taking an economic toll on school districts. One study found that severely overweight students miss one day of school per month, or nine days per year. In the nine states where attendance helps determine the level of state funding for schools, a single-day absence can cost a district between $9 and $20 per student. 12 Furthermore, the costs of treating a snowballing caseload of obesity-related chronic diseases are straining the health care system to its limits and our nation’s economy.
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Financial State of the States. September 2015

Financial State of the States. September 2015

Another timeliness issue exists related to actuarial valuations. GASB standards still permit states to obtain an actuarial valuation of their retirees’ health care plans every other year. Unfortunately, unfunded retirement liabilities can materially increase or decrease over a two-year period. For example, as mentioned previously, Connecticut's unfunded OPEB liability increased by $1.6 billion from the previous actuarial valuation date of June 30, 2011 to the next valuation done June 30, 2013. State and local governments should consider updating their actuarial assumptions at least annually. In addition, to improve accountability, we believe the reporting community should consider making state and local governments produce their own actuarial assumptions, instead of paying outside parties to make those calculations. Unfortunately, the appearance is that this can resemble the more egregious examples flowing from issuers paying credit rating firms for their opinions before the financial crisis in 2007-2009.
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Minnesota State Building Code Adoption Guide

Minnesota State Building Code Adoption Guide

All permit surcharge fees must be remitted to the state by each municipality. In addition, surcharge reports must be filed with the commissioner and directed to the attention of the State Building Official. The state surcharge applies to any permit that authorizes work regulated by the State Building Code. This includes building permits, plumbing permits, mechanical HVAC permits, electrical permits, sewer and water permits, etc. The state surcharge fee would not apply to other types of local municipal permit such as a zoning, land use, engineering, conditional use permits, etc. The local municipality is responsible for overseeing accounting and remittance of state surcharge fees. Surcharge reporting forms and/or necessary computer software may be obtained by contacting the Construction Codes and Licensing Division, or by accessing our website at: http://www.dli..mn.gov
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Fiscal Policy, State Building and Economic Development

Fiscal Policy, State Building and Economic Development

structure and history, and the interplay between politics and revenues. Making further progress in tax capacity will depend on multiple factors, but especially on the social contract that states are able to build with tax payers, and where the willingness to pay taxes is increased if there is a reciprocal link with better quality services being provided by the state (Lenton, Masiye, & Mosley, 2017).

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$137,550,000 MASSACHUSETTS STATE COLLEGE BUILDING AUTHORITY

$137,550,000 MASSACHUSETTS STATE COLLEGE BUILDING AUTHORITY

(iii) to the Debt Service Fund, an amount which, when added to other amounts on deposit in such Fund and available for such purpose, including amounts in any capitalized interest account[r]

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MODERN buildings rely on state of the art Building

MODERN buildings rely on state of the art Building

systems. The recent Named Data Networking (NDN) project aims to develop a new Internet architecture that communicates data using names rather than locations, the latter of which is what the current IP-based Internet does with IP addresses. One of the first real-world applications using NDN is a lighting control system. We conduct a red team assessment of the current state of the security of this lighting system and its NDN implementation. The system is representative of a more general class of automated controller systems. Our analysis found that due to NDN’s use of named data, the system inherently prevents most attacks that IP-based systems are vulnerable to. Although many parts of the system are secure, we discovered some problems with the verification of timestamps and processing of large packets that led to a severe memory leak. The system also lacks a secure key distribution mechanism. While NDN security is on the right track, there are important security design issues NDN must account for.
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Imposing Democracy: State Building and the War on Terror

Imposing Democracy: State Building and the War on Terror

U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln. The purpose of President Bush’s visit to the Abraham Lin- coln was to declare as the banner behind him said, Iraq was “Mission Accomplished.” As is now known all too well, the mission was not yet finished. Nevertheless, the Bush ad- ministration made wining military cam- paigns against Iraq seem like the only crite- ria for a successful invasion (Ravi 2005, 45). However, when weapons inspectors con- cluded Iraq never possessed a WMD pro- gram, the Bush administration changed “victory” again. This time, victory took the current definition of a fully democratic Iraq. Of course, there no explanation was ever provided about exactly what a fully democ- ratic Iraq meant. Internationally accepted free and fair elections? High voter registra- tion and participation? The Bush admini- stration never explained. Despite this ambi- guity, in a November 30, 2005 address where he discussed strategy for the war in Iraq, George Bush used the term “victory” 15 times, and even posed a sign that said, “Plan for Victory” next to his podium (Berinsky Drukman, 2007, 128) Even though the definition for victory had changed, it was clear that the Bush admini- stration still expected it. On a similar note, the Bush administration remained steadfast against the use of timetables for withdrawal from the two countries, and because of its precarious position, was unable to ensure the developing Iraqi government reached Wash- ington-approved checkpoints. When Af- ghanistan’s parliamentary elections were postponed from 2004 until 2005, the United States could only watch (United Nations In- formation Service 2005). Removing support for the nascent Afghani national
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The Theory and Practice of Building Developmental States in the Global South

The Theory and Practice of Building Developmental States in the Global South

Part 2 brings out the case studies that demonstrate institution-building and state capacity formation in the context of economic globalisation. We have been fortunate to include Brazil and Argentina – two economically important economies in Latin America – as examples of how developmental states evolve over time and space. Nem Singh and Massi critically explain the successes and failures of Brazil’s approach, i.e. utilising sector-specific development through local content policy, Keynesian style infrastructure-spending and building inter-sec- toral linkages, in sustaining industrialisation as policy elites identify new sources of growth and inspiration for industrial policy-making. As in East Asia, the Brazilian state was key to the country’s industrialisation, characterised by a slow-moving process of state centralisation and consolidation of political corporatism to create a structured relationship with domestic capitalists and organised labour. What is new, however, is the PT government’s intent to utilise the natural resource sector, especially its oil and gas industry, to further deepen the process of structural transformation in Brazil. While the policy was, by and large, well-de- signed, rent-seeking and clientelism have weakened the autonomy of Petrobras, which meant losing its ability to deliver public policy goals and profit-making for its shareholders.
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The failed promise of foreign direct investment: some remarks on ‘malign’ investment and political instability in former Soviet states

The failed promise of foreign direct investment: some remarks on ‘malign’ investment and political instability in former Soviet states

The policy of key international organisation continues to be informed by the assumption that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has an unambiguously positive effect on recipient nations. However, there is increasing evidence that, on a global scale, increased trade and investment flows from rich to poorer nations have not contributed to a convergence of levels of income and well-being. This is particularly apparent in the context of former Soviet states, many of which continue to experience a decline, in both relative and absolute terms, in per capita GDP alongside a diminution in the life expectancy of their populations. Examining data on FDI received by former Soviet States from 1997 to 2005, this paper notes, firstly, that these investments have been concentrated on a few, typical natural-resource-rich states. Secondly, it observes that even these resource-rich countries experienced massive fluctuations in terms of the amounts of FDI they received over this time period. Lastly, the paper examines the impact of FDI on a number of country risk indicators via a pooled regression model which includes data for twelve former Soviet countries, namely the Central and Eastern European States of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine, and the Central Asian Republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. This analysis indicates that FDI has either a marginally negative effect on individual country risk measures such as in the case of ‘Overall Country Risk’, or significantly negative effects as in the case of ‘Economic Risk’ and ‘Legal Risk’. The paper
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State Police in the United States

State Police in the United States

"4 It is a movement toward centralization of government for the purpose of economy and efficiency." Early forms, some of which are still maintained, are to be found in the Connecticut St[r]

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