The Jalloh case is a particularly horrific one, taking hold of the imaginations of thousands of people in 2005. However, his death cannot reasonably be viewed as an isolated episode, but as part of a web of unresolved fatalities and violent incidents involving law enforcement as a system working in tandem with related institutions. In 2000, Ndeye Mareame Sarr was shot through the chest in Aschaffenburg by a police officer in what seems by most accounts as drastically disproportionate—and the officer was subsequently acquitted. 2 And in May 2011, Christy Schwundeck, a Nigerian German woman, was fatally shot in a job centre in Frankfurt am Main after an argument with one of the centre’s employees. Police argue that she was armed with a knife and that shooting her was an act of self-defence. 3 These fatal instances of police violence are mirrored by those in the UK, including the death not only of StephenLawrence, but also of Joy Gardner, suffocated by police in London in 1993 while allegedly resisting arrest, 4 and Ibrahima Sey, who died from exposure to and ingestion of close-range police-administered CS gas. 5
One of the many concerning and enduring images broadcast on television during the period of the StephenLawrence Inquiry was of police video surveillance footage showing neil Acourt brandishing a knife and, along with Luke Knight and david norris, making a series of inflam- matory racist remarks in one of their homes (see macpherson, 1999: s.7.32 – 7.37; also macpherson, 1999: Appendix 10). While these acts were not regarded as admissible in court, they serve as the basis of recommendation 39. This, like the furore around the previously discussed double-jeopardy rule, also provoked considerable debate with Skidelsky (2000: 6), for example, retorting that such was the ‘fanatical determination’ of the Report to eliminate ‘unwitting racism’ that they were willing to ‘contemplate the imposition of a police state’ to achieve this objective. many in the tabloid press used the recommendation, which in fact had only been presented as a point of ‘consideration’, to condemn the entire Lawrence Inquiry Report and all its 70 recommendations (see mcLaughlin & murji, 1999 for detailed discussion). However, in practice this recommendation would require the monitoring and judgement of behaviour conducted in a private space which not only would be difficult to enforce in practice but is also in direct contravention of Articles 8 and 10 of the european Convention on Human Rights, which was incorporated into uK law under the 1998 Human Rights Act and came into force in October 2000. Recommendation 39 has not been upheld. However, legislation intro- duced under the introduction of the Racial and Religious Hatred Act 2006 makes it a criminal offence to use threatening words or behaviour with the intention of provoking hatred against any group of people because of their ‘racial background’ or what they may or may not believe with regard to religion.
level’ stops they conducted to gain community intelligence and also to monitor known prolific offenders. It was likely during the process of these encounters that some ‘accounting’ was called for by the person stopped. Officers were concerned about having to record them and how this might impact on their working practice. As a result, PRC agreed to develop a set of ‘rules of engagement’ as further guidance (see Appendix A). This guidance worked from the agreed definition and aimed to delineate a set of types of encounter which should be recorded as ‘stops’ for the purpose of the pilot. It was developed in close consultation with policy colleagues in the Operational Policing Policy Unit (now Police Leadership and Powers Unit), representatives from the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO), the pilot forces and local senior management from the sites. The process proved to be difficult and required some negotiation to develop rules which fulfilled the requirements of recommendation 61 but which were considered as operationally workable for the pilot. The guidance was subsequently endorsed by the Lawrence Steering Group, set up by the Home Secretary to oversee the Government’s response to all the StephenLawrence Inquiry recommendations.
2013 marked 20 years since the racist murder of StephenLawrence and a memorial service was held on 22 April -the date StephenLawrence was killed. The service was attended by senior members of the three main political parties in Britain and was widely reported in the media. The Centre for Culture, Media and Racism at London South Bank University hosted a StephenLawrence Symposium in the same year with the title 'The legacy of StephenLawrence 20 years on' and this provided an opportunity for academics to reflect on issues of racism and the media. Details of this Symposium were circulated to all trainees (n=60) on a full-time PGCE course in post-16 and further education at a large university in the North of England, along with an invitation to attend a lunchtime discussion group. The expectation in circulating the invitation to all trainees was that the Symposium would interest trainee teachers of all ethnicities, particularly those training as teachers of media studies, sociology, law, public services and similar subjects likely to feature in the Symposium. In reality only two trainee teachers engaged with the lunchtime discussion group. These two trainees were the only Black members of a cohort that was otherwise predominantly White British [ethnicities self-declared for equal opportunity monitoring purposes]. The engagement of the two Black trainee teachers with lunchtime discussions was sustained over a twelve week period alongside their hectic work, study and family lives. This engagement led to them presenting a workshop at the Symposium in London based on reflections of their
minoritized groups that generally perform better than their White peers, such as students of Indian ethnic heritage (Hill, 2009). Setting aside the dangers inherent in model minority stereotypes (cf. Gillborn, 2008), there are two main reasons for our focus on White British and Black Caribbean students. First, this is the comparison that shaped initial debates about a Black/White achievement gap in Britain (Rampton, 1981) and the Black Caribbean group retains huge significance educationally and politically (Author 4, 2014; Figueroa 2004); they are one of the most politically active of minoritized communities (John, 2006; Sivanandan, 1990; Tomlinson, 2008) and yet, in schools, they are consistently among those achieving the lowest results overall and most likely to be permanently excluded (Authors, 2015). The foundational protests, campaigns and academic studies that launched multicultural education in the UK were largely concerned with the experiences of Black Caribbean parents and children (Author 4, 2014). In this sense, the campaign for justice that grew around the murder of StephenLawrence has its roots deep in the history of British racism and anti-racism. Stephen is now buried in Jamaica but his educational achievements and those of his peers are captured in the statistics that we examine here.
When New Labour were elected into government they were interested in whole-scale reform of the criminal justice system, and the magistracy was in their sights. Reports commissioned early in their administration called for a more diverse magistracy. As part of the response to the StephenLawrence inquiry, the Lord Chancellor’s Department (LCD) set up a working group which, among other things, looked at ways of making the magistracy more diverse in its ethnicity. 9 The group reported to the Lord Chancellor in 2000 and recommended that a national recruitment programme would help attract applicants from under-represented groups. 10,11 This initial work was closely followed by two key reports: Criminal Justice: the Way Ahead (Home Office, 2001) and Lord Justice Auld’s (2001) Review of the Criminal Courts in England and Wales. Both reports used Morgan and Russell’s (2000) government-commissioned review of the skills and make- up of lay magistrates and district judges to inform their findings. Morgan and Russell explained that the LCD records showed that 4 per cent of magistrates nationally were under 40, whilst 32 per cent were in their 60s. The ethnic diversity of the bench was particularly difficult to measure since 11 per cent were recorded as unknown, although they were assumed to be mainly white. On this basis, it was concluded that ‘the
The Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 arose directly from the recommendations of the StephenLawrence Inquiry Report. It complements the Crime & Disorder Act 1998, which made specific offences of racist violence, as well as the Human Rights Act 1998. The Act strengthens and extends the Race Relations Act 1976, without replacing it. It tackles institutional racism in public authorities. Section 71 (1) of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act is known as the general duty. It states that all listed public authorities including Merton Council ‘shall in carrying out its functions, have due regard to the need:
The research took place at an agency located in England that was run by victims of racist incidents for such victims and which provided a casework-based service. The organization had institutionalized the subjective (ACPO) “StephenLawrence defi nition”; that is to say, unless the victim misled the caseworker, they were guided in their work by it and proactively applied the perception-based defi nition in determining whether or not to open a case and in the management of cases. Amongst themselves and in discussions with potential/clients and others, the caseworkers were concerned to fi nd out if the claimant or a third party perceived themselves to be a victim of a hate crime. This was frequently referred to as meaning “we are client led”, and caseworkers emphasized this in their dealings with clients and other parties such as police offi cers. Besides participant observational fi eldwork, which involved accom- panying the caseworkers in the course of their duties, nine ethnographic interviews were conducted with caseworkers and 16 unstructured interviews took place with victims.
Figure 4 summarizes the changing scale of the Black/White gap over the 25 year period. In contrast to Figure 1, Figure 4 takes account of changes in the official measure of achievement (the period for each of the different benchmarks is shown along the lower access). Figure 4 also includes details of the Black/White gap in terms of an Odds Ratio (OR) calculation, i.e. comparing White students’ chances of achieving the benchmark in relation to their Black Caribbean peers.[ 10 ] Perhaps the most striking aspect of Figure 4 is how closely the lines seem to mirror each other. Although there are fluctuations in the size of the Black/White gap from year-to-year, the overall pattern is quite different from the converging lines seen in Figure 1. The odds ratio calculations confirm the consistently significant scale of the gap in relation to the changing benchmark measures; the smallest OR (1.56) was recorded in 1999, meaning that throughout the entire 25 year period, White students were always at least one and a half times more likely to attain the dominant benchmark. The greatest inequity (OR 2.84) was recorded in 1993, the year when StephenLawrence was murdered, meaning that White students were almost three times as likely to achieve the benchmark. There are seven points where the OR is greater than 2, meaning that White students had at least twice the chance of success relative to their Black peers, most recently in 2012 (almost at the end of the 25 year period under scrutiny).
Lawrence had as early as December 1910 been in lucid possession of the idea that his mother's love for him had damaged him: "It has been rather terrible, and has made me, in some respects, abnormal"...he had with great candour told Rachel Annand Taylor. "Nobody can have the soul of me. My mother has had it, and nobody can have it again"...But Frieda's excitement about what she now thought of as the real heart of the novel was because, in Freud's theory, the child was not rendered abnormal but was naturally dominated by incestuous feelings for its mother and by a desire to murder its father. Freud described a pattern which - although Lawrence had known all its details before - he can never have heard articulated so clearly as a theory...It gave him both clarity and distance; he could now see that it was Paul's growing up of these childish feelings which constituted his crucial development: his killing of Mrs Morel rather than Mr Morel, for example, acquired a very special importance, (ibid., p.443)
Stephen Krashen (born 1941) is professor emeritus at the University of Southern California. Stephen Krashen received a PhD in Linguistics from the University of California, Los Angeles, in 1972. Krashen’s numerous papers and books have greatly contributed to the fields of second- language acquisition, bilingual education, and reading. He is known for introducing various hypotheses related to second-language acquisition, including the acquisition-learning hypothesis, the input hypothesis, the monitor hypothesis, the affective filter, and the natural order hypothesis. Most recently, Krashen promotes the use of free voluntary reading during second- language acquisition, which he says, "is the most powerful tool we have in language education”. What comes below is an interview with him by the editor of IJLTR. KS stands for Karim Sadeghi and SK for Stephen Krashen.
The eco-critic in search of expressions of concern about the blight killing the Tuscan cypresses will be frustrated. The aesthetic response cannot be assumed to be an environmentally-conscious response but it is, nevertheless, engaged in an encyclopaedic interconnectedness which starts with the tree endowed, like all non-human life in the poems of Birds, Beasts and Flowers, with something we must call consciousness. This is poetry which participates in a steadfast refusal to allow the plant to be reduced only to itself – as food, waste and resource – so that it cannot be extricated from the complex interactions with nature and culture that would appear to define it. In a different poem the “Bare Fig- Trees” are a figure of the “Demos” but not before they are invoked as metallic, “silver”; many - branched, a “strange and sweet -myriad- limbed octopus” a “sweet -fleshed sea- anemone” and finally the “many - branching candelabrum” ( 251). Lawrentian metamorph oses are inscribed in this ecology of forms. In “Bare Almond - Trees” an Empedoclean idea is revised: the creaturely trees of the pre-Socratic imagination are re-worked by Lawrence into a form of living machine – an iron- stemmed “magnetic apparatus” potentia lly receptive to “electric influences” that might “hear the chemical accents of the sun,” “telephone th e roar of waters-over-the- earth” and, crucially, “take the whisper of sulphur from the air” ( 253). Here the tree is ecologically helpful. It acts on chemical pollution but, by describing the tree in terms of the machine, Lawrence undercuts the received nature/technology binary. The tree in this example embodies interconnection. It can internalize and deal with technology as a facet of its world – there is no pastoral retreat which is different from the world of sulphur and trees.