significant racial disparity and discrimination across almost every life domain (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004; McConahay, 1986). For example, Dovidio and Fazio (1992) compiled comparative historical data demonstrating declining endorsement of negative racial stereotypes over time; whereas in 1933 84% of American university students indicated that they believed that blacks were superstitious and 75% that blacks were lazy, in 1990 only 3% indicated that they believed that blacks were superstitious and 4% that blacks were lazy. In addition, Bobo (2001) compiled comparative historical data demonstrating declining endorsement of prejudicial attitudinal statements; whereas 68% of white Americans indicated support for school segregation of black and white children in the early 1940s, by 1995 96% fully agreed that black and white children should go to the same schools. Consideration of the economic and social inequality faced by blacks suggests that racial discrimination remains, however. As discussed by Dovidio and Gaertner (2004), there are noticeable racial gaps in median family income, on measures of health and wellbeing such as lifespan and infant mortality, and in a variety of career dynamics such as initial wage level, opportunities for training, and layoff decisions. For example, blacks earn approximately 66% of that earned by whites, and the poverty rate of blacks is about three times that of whites in the United States (Blank, 2001). In addition, the infant mortality rate among blacks is almost three times that of whites, a difference that continues throughout the lifespan (Penner, Albrecht, Coleman, & Norton, 2007). This is the prejudice paradox in a nutshell: even though people disavow prejudice, inequality (and discrimination) remains.
campaigns, a website, and other related awareness-raising activities in the media. The campaign‘s objectives were to celebrate multiculturalism, create empathy for victims of racism, and state a moral appeal for equality and tolerance. However, a retrospective evaluation carried out by Sutton et al (2007) found that the campaign was not based on the key theories and evidence from the social-psychological literature and empirical studies. One significant consequence of this was that the campaign conformed to minority ethnic stereotypes, such as ‗Asian shopkeepers and doctors and Black footballers‘ (47). Theory tells us that prejudice-reduction interventions can backfire if they are regarded as ‗favouring‘ certain groups, or if they reinforce stereotypes, yet this does not appear to have been fully appreciated. This is a common problem with media interventions in general. The authors also discuss some of the media campaigns on racism in football, noting that:
Media-based campaigns represent one medium for effectively influencing people’s attitudes on a range of social issues. However, awareness campaigns specifically on race equality and anti-racism have been implemented sporadically across the United Kingdom over the last 15 years. They have been run by central government in Scotland, by organizations such as the Commission for Racial Equality and by independent organizations, and have been used in human resources training in government organisations, educational institutions, and multinational corporations. Although some campaigns have proved effective in influencing people’s attitudes, others appear to have reaffirmed stereotypes. Little research has been conducted into the impact of media campaigns or other prejudice reduction programmes on beliefs, and even less on their impact upon the behaviour of racially prejudiced individuals, victims or those witnessing racial prejudice. Social psychology research on what works and what is promising in reducing prejudice and stimulating attitude change has been largely ignored in the design of media-based initiatives to reduce racial prejudice. This makes it difficult for policy makers to develop a business case for using such media initiatives to reduce racial prejudice, and restricts sharing of good practice among practitioners, local authorities, other organisations, and employers.
Three subscales of the ISMI particularly addressed self-stigma: alienation, stereotype endorsement and social withdrawal . These can be considered affec- tive, cognitive and behavioural dimensions respectively. The discrimination experience subscale was excluded as it was considered to measure experienced stigma. The stigma resistance subscale was also excluded. Three sub- scales of the SSMIS measure self-stigma: stereotype agreement, stereotype self-concurrence and self-esteem decrement . The SS contains a ‘disclosure’ subscale which focuses on cognitive, affective and behavioural aspects of disclosure . The ISE contains 1 item on social withdrawal . Two subscales of the DSSS address self-stigma: general self-stigma and secrecy . General self-stigma includes aspects of personally rele- vant stereotype awareness (as discussed under perceived Table 2 Assessment of measurement properties of stigma
Stereotypes have often been found to be resistant to change, with beliefs and expectations regarding a group often per- sisting even when faced with directly contradictory infor- mation (Hilton & von Hippel, 1996). This presents a prob- lem when trying to combat stereotypes underlying prejudice or discrimination through out-group exposure as has often been suggested by theories such as the Contact Hypothesis (Allport, 1954), as there is no assurance that simply demon- strating the inaccuracy of these beliefs will be effective in encouraging revision. It is therefore necessary to examine the processes by which stereotypes are updated with experi- ence, and, in cases of stereotype persistence, determine how counter-stereotypical information can be disregarded in order to develop better methods to encourage change.
Given the pace of demographic and political change it becomes all the more important to establish some clear reference points for measuring how the public views different societal groups. In recent years there has been increasing interest in whether Britain is becoming a more or less tolerant society. Some evidence (e.g. from the British Social Attitudes Survey) suggests a steady decline in prejudice. The current survey was intended to investigate this question more deeply. As well as looking at relatively blatant or overt feelings about different groups, we examine perceptions of discrimination, stereotypes, willingness to engage in relationships and the experience of being a target of prejudice across intergroup boundaries. There is a huge number of groups that could be studied, but the present work considers major groups described by 6 axes that seem especially central: gender, sexuality, age, religion, ethnicity and disability.
The types of prejudicial attitudes shown toward groups of people who share protected characteristics are likely to be linked to the different ways in which prejudice is expressed toward these groups, and the different ways in which they experience prejudice and discrimination. The survey revealed that people who did not share the relevant protected characteristic felt least positive towards Gypsy, Roma and Traveller groups, Muslims, immigrants, gay, lesbian or bisexual people, and transgender people. By comparison, most respondents expressed positive feelings towards women and younger people even though both of these groups reported high levels of experiences of prejudice against themselves (chapter 4 section 5). Analysis of other measures in the survey, such as the stereotyping items, provides insight into the different levels of progress made in addressing different aspects of prejudice. An example is the different stereotypes and emotions people hold about physical and mental health conditions, where it seems that there is still considerable stigma attached to mental health conditions (chapter 4, section 6). With over four in ten people experiencing prejudice and discrimination there is clearly a substantial challenge for a society that wants acceptable levels of fairness and equality. An important insight from the survey is that the forms and texture of
Look at my skin, I ain’t light and I have worked my a** off to get a higher educa- tion and make more than $40K a year. And I couldn’t even get a pat on the back from my fellow black folks, they just place me in a box and label me “Uncle Tom” and say I forgot what color I am. I have always preferred light women, al- ways had a good opportunity at education [because I wasn’t ashamed to get good grades] and was determined to not live in a Section 8 rental. As a teen, I worked in the white sections of town because they paid more. In high school, I was an athlete and the majority of dudes on the wrestling team were white, I hung out at their homes and rode to a lot of matches with their families. But I still had to go home and I still had to watch my mom struggle financially. So, since I chose to change my life’s direction and upgrade from what we’ve always had, I’ve lost my blackness?! So, the way I see it now is that whites aren’t missing the target too much…my fellow black men and women ARE happy to be self-destructive and unmotivated. There’s no need to act up, be crazy loud and always blame the “white man” for what we don’t have. We SHOULD be speaking properly and po- litely, we SHOULD place more emphasis on working hard to get ahead, we SHOULD be naming our children respectable names that won’t bring them shame or embarrassment later, we SHOULD break out of the stereotype of being ‘hood’ and on welfare and we NEED to stop using the race card for everything that doesn’t go our way. I’d rather be that token ni*** in white suburbia than that typ- ical ni*** in jail, selling drugs or paying child support. (Brian, age 27 from Wash- ington)
The most consistently examined targets of prejudice in this area are immigrants and people of different ethnicities or religions, with a few studies of other outgroups (e.g., aged adults , LGB individuals with mixed results, [20,21,22,23], and gender). For example, Di Pentima and Toni  examined the links between attachment orientation and subtle and blatant prejudice against immigrants. They discovered that secure Italian adolescents (age 13- 19) were lower in blatant and subtle prejudice compared to adolescents with insecure styles. Consistent with this, research in the Netherlands has shown that secure adults had more positive attitudes toward immigrants’ integration into the host society, whilst insecure adults had more negative attitudes; specifically dismissing-avoidant individuals thought that
explaining to us what she will bring. The parents do not explain it‘s a detention camp, not one filled with games and singing. I think the parents did this for two reasons. The first reason is so the child will not worry excessively. The child is going to be scared and nervous, but having the child prepare for camp as an experience she may look forward to helps keep an open mind. The second reason is to avoid teaching the child prejudice. The child is not going to start her stay at the camp with dislike in her heart but is going to try to plant her tomato seeds, ―love apples‖ (695), instead.
Medical education and provider accountability are key strategies to reduce and eliminate discrimination in health- care. As years of rotation increase, medical students have been shown to demonstrate more unacceptable mocking and disdain for specific groups of patients, such as the obese, mentally ill and difficult patients. While one study had limitations, the qualitative data surrounding it is pro- found and completely unacceptable . That this behavior, modeled by select physicians, is allowed is an example for urgent and immediate change in healthcare delivery. Impli- cit racial bias has even been named as an issue that must be addressed in oncology training . Cultural change at this level can be driven by policy, should be initiated in management and academic leadership, but must be mea- sured in quality. Quality metrics must include measures on discrimination and professional bias in healthcare. What is and is not acceptable in healthcare is modeled bidirection- ally. It should not just be modeled based on workplace dis- crimination law, it must be modeled by rewarding positive culture and designed by raising open and welcoming med- ical professionals. Medical education should continue ef- forts to provide a more statically representative population for all minorities and for all populations assessed in health disparities.
To investigate whether and to what extent AA policies induce a stereotype threat effect, we conducted a lab experiment with a gender-based quota policy. Participants were assigned to groups of four (two men and two women) and asked to solve quantitative GRE questions; their performance was graded in accordance with the customary practice used in GRE and other standardized admission tests; that is, we rewarded each correct answer and penalized each incorrect answer. Participants competed for a monetary prize, which was awarded (i) to the top two performers regardless of gender or (ii) to the top two performers subject to a gender quota requiring at least one female winner. To further examine whether AA may serve as a prime generating stereotype threat, we varied whether participants in AA groups were presented with information on the superior average performance of men over women on the actual quantitative GRE exam (informational priming). 2
In general, it’s not arguable that people without disability knowingly or unknowingly prejudice and discriminate people with disability at all. Also different researches have been done studies on attitudes of people against PWDs. Holding in mind that attitude is situational and contextual, in unequal or biased society children can grow up and adjust themselves with opinions and attitudes about disabilities which is familiar in their culture. Therefore, it’s mandatory to examine their attitude in order to generate practices and modify wrong attitudes.
In this thesis, I strive to expose societal rules and regulations that constrict and restrict our social interactions in a way that promotes prejudice and xenophobia. Through interacting with the series of sculptures, viewers are given the opportunity to question these societal norms and start a process of self- reflection to truly understand the freedom that comes without prejudice. Interaction is the main element that ties the series of works together, to form a seamless journey of self-discovery. The following artists are discussed in relation to this series of work: Niki de Saint Phalle and Björk Guðmundsdóttir. Their art works share the same spirit of liberation and social revolution.
Er bestaan ook stereotypen ten aanzien van de fysieke eigenschappen van verdachten. Eerder onderzoek bij specifieke misdrijven toont aan dat vrouwen als atypische verdachten worden beschouwd (Baron, Burgess & Kao, 1991; Nathan & Ward, 2002). Seelau en Seelau (2005) stellen dat een typische verdachte gekoppeld is aan de stereotypering van verdachten op basis van geslacht, waarbij niet alleen het stereotype bestaat dat mannen vaker (gewelddadige) misdrijven plegen dan vrouwen, maar ook gemiddelde genomen een zwaarder misdrijf plegen (zie ook: Baron, et al., 1991). Als stereotype verdachte wordt dus eerder een man aangewezen dan een vrouw, aldus Seelau en Seelau (2005). Bij etniciteit geven Valdivia, Casas en Dixon (2003) aan dat negroïde personen vaker als verdachten worden beschouwd. Daarnaast is er meer angst voor een misdrijf van negroïde personen dan voor blanke personen (Moeller, 1989; Anderson, 1990; St. John & Heald-Moore, 1996). Dit kan voortkomen uit de beschouwing dat negroïde personen gewelddadiger zijn en eerder aangewezen worden als dader dan blanke personen, waarbij stereotypering als mogelijke oorzaak wordt aangewezen (Oliver & Armstrong, 1998). Negroïde personen worden dan ook eerder als een stereotype verdachte beschouwd dan blanke personen (Sheley & Ashkins, 1981; Entman, 1992).
“subjective and wrong”. He argued rather that groups are real and have real psychological properties. In the 1952 text “Social Psychology” he provides detailed critiques of both the individualistic and the group mind theses, and presents an elegant argument in favour of an interactionist approach. Asch also makes some interesting points with respect to attitudes and social beliefs which can be linked to our understanding of stereotype content. He argues that “needs and interests are crucial in the elaboration of belief and become responsible for similarities and differences between groups” (p. 566). Using the example of racial attitudes, Asch argues that these do not merely reflect knowledge but other needs and interests, which may “organise knowledge in a more inflexible way than the available data warrant, thus protecting it from disturbing contradictory observations” (p. 568). Social attitudes reflect our place in society. Using the example of racial tensions between white and black Americans in the southern USA, he argues that “the racial sentiment of Southerners is only in part directed to Negroes: it is also a function of their most significant ties to family, neighbourhood and group” (p. 577). To change these views would require both a “drastic intellectual reorientation” and “a serious snapping of social bonds”: to reject such views would amount to rejecting one’s own ingroup. Likewise, Asch argues that while we may reject the southerners’ views as prejudiced, from their point of view they make some sense:
The bootstrapping model proposed by Burnett et al. [BNS13] combines all four sources of trust and reputation. Instead of the clustering approach employed by Liu et al. [LDR13], the trustor learns a regression model that maps observed traits to trustworthiness. Observed characteristics of trustees are then input into the model with the output used as a base reputation value in a probabilistic trust model. In this way, the base trust value has less of an impact on the overall reputation score as more direct evidence is gathered about the trustee. STAGE, proposed by S ¸ensoy et al. [S ¸Y16], combines direct-trust, sterotype-trust, and witness-reputation in a similar way to Burnett et al. [BNS13]. In STAGE, reports provided by witnesses for both witness- and stereotype-reputation are discounted based on their perceived reliability. As well as using stereotype-trust to bootstrap assessments of trustees, STAGE also learns stereotypes for witnesses to bootstrap this reliability assessment of opinions. To avoid the need for opinions, Fang et al. [FZS ¸T12], build a stereotype-trust model that enables observations to generalise to others when experience for a particular stereotype is limited.