Territorial defence

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The Baltic states’ Territorial Defence Forces in the face of hybrid threats  OSW Commentary Number 165, 19 03 2015

The Baltic states’ Territorial Defence Forces in the face of hybrid threats OSW Commentary Number 165, 19 03 2015

Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its aggression in eastern Ukraine have triggered a debate about the main directions of defence policy in the Nordic and Baltic region. In the Baltic states, but also in the Nordic countries and Poland, much attention is being paid to questions of Ter- ritorial Defence Forces (TDF). TDF are viewed as one of the elements in the national defence systems’ response during the early stages of a hybrid conflict. The Baltic states have decid- ed to adapt their Territorial Defence Forces to new threats by making a number of chang- es to their functioning, depending on the local conditions in each case. Given the growing uncertainty in the region, they have opted not to undertake any in-depth reforms of TDF at this stage, as that could entail a temporary disorganisation in the armed forces. In the com- ing years Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania will invest in increasing the size and combat readi- ness of their Territorial Defence Forces, providing them with better training and equipment, and creating a system of incentives to encourage more people to serve in volunteer formations.

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Females do it better  Individual recognition experiments reveal sexual
dimorphism in Lemur catta (Linnaeus 1758) olfactory motivation and
territorial defence

Females do it better Individual recognition experiments reveal sexual dimorphism in Lemur catta (Linnaeus 1758) olfactory motivation and territorial defence

Female fitness is mostly linked to the access to food resources whereas that of males should be limited by the access to females (Trivers, 1972; Wrangham, 1980). Consequently, costs and benefits of territorial defence should vary as a function of the sex of resident and foreign individuals, which meet inside a territory (Boydston et al., 2001). Generally, mammals defend their own territories most vigorously against same-sex intruders (King, 1954; Rood, 1983; Heinsohn and Packer, 1985). By contrast, it is difficult to predict the outcome of the encounters between conspecifics of the opposite sex. In that case, additional factors, such as reproductive opportunities, may interact with territoriality and force animals to evaluate costs and benefits of a potential response (Cant et al., 2002). The relative amount of costs and benefits may be determined by the social and biological characteristics of the species (social and kin structure, male or female dominance, male or female philopatry, seasonal reproduction, group size) and by the particular social context during which the encounter takes place (number of animals engaging in the conflict, their ages and social status) (Krebs and Davies, 1991).

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How effective are acoustic signals in territorial defence in the Lusitanian toadfish?

How effective are acoustic signals in territorial defence in the Lusitanian toadfish?

Less known is how acoustic communication affects agonistic interactions in fish, but in at least a few species sounds seem to be used in mutual assessment and influence fight outcome (reviewed in Ladich and Myrberg, 2006; Raffinger and Ladich, 2009). However, studies on the function of sounds in territorial defence are scarce, in particular in its influence on the intruder ’ s behaviour during territorial invasions by conspecifics. For example, playing back click sounds to skunk loaches Yasuhikotakia morleti during territorial intrusions made residents increase the number of lateral displays performed at intruders (Valinski and Rigley, 1981) whereas the playback of rachet sounds to brown bullhead catfish Ameiurus nebulosus decreased the number of attacks residents made at intruders (Rigley and Muir, 1979). These experiments clearly show that sounds can have a major role in modulating the resident ’ s territorial behaviour. However, the deterrent function of sounds on territorial intrusion has seldom been demonstrated. Playbacks of conspecific sounds in the absence of a resident male have been shown to have a deterrent effect in territorial intrusion in the bicolor damselfish Stegastes partitus (Myrberg, 1997) and in the painted goby Pomatoschistus pictus (Pereira et al., 2014), equivalent to the ‘ keep-out ’ effect of bird song (Krebs, 1976).

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The Baltic states’ Territorial Defence Forces in the face of hybrid threats  OSW Commentary Number 165, 19 03 2015

The Baltic states’ Territorial Defence Forces in the face of hybrid threats. OSW Commentary Number 165, 19.03.2015

Russia’s annexation of Crimea and its aggression in eastern Ukraine have triggered a debate about the main directions of defence policy in the Nordic and Baltic region. In the Baltic states, but also in the Nordic countries and Poland, much attention is being paid to questions of Ter- ritorial Defence Forces (TDF). TDF are viewed as one of the elements in the national defence systems’ response during the early stages of a hybrid conflict. The Baltic states have decid- ed to adapt their Territorial Defence Forces to new threats by making a number of chang- es to their functioning, depending on the local conditions in each case. Given the growing uncertainty in the region, they have opted not to undertake any in-depth reforms of TDF at this stage, as that could entail a temporary disorganisation in the armed forces. In the com- ing years Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania will invest in increasing the size and combat readi- ness of their Territorial Defence Forces, providing them with better training and equipment, and creating a system of incentives to encourage more people to serve in volunteer formations.

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Social and environmental influences on mate attraction, mate choice and territorial defence

Social and environmental influences on mate attraction, mate choice and territorial defence

Bluffing their way through: the effects of claw regeneration on male territoriality In the next two chapters of my thesis I utilise another model invertebrate system, the African fiddler crab, U. annulipes . This species is closely related to U. mjoebergi and shares almost identical mating and territorial behaviours, including the formation of defence coalitions. As in other fiddler crab species, when a male loses his major claw (following a predation attempt for example) he can regenerate a new claw. This new claw has less muscle mass, a longer dactyl and fewer tubercles (Yamaguchi 1973; Crane 1975; Backwell et al. 2000; Lailvaux et al. 2009), consequently, males with regenerated claws are poorer fighters (Backwell et al. 2000; Reaney and Backwell 2007; Lailvaux et al. 2009). To date, studies on coalition formation in fiddler crabs have excluded males with regenerated claws, treating this as a confounding source of variation (Backwell and Jennions 2004; Booksmythe et al. 2010; Detto et al. 2010; Milner et al. 2010b). In Chapter 6 I therefore tested whether claw regeneration had an effect on coalition formation because of its potential to alter the costs and benefits of helping .

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NATO, ESDP and the Riga Summit: No Transformation without re-equilibration. Egmont Paper, no. 11, May 2006

NATO, ESDP and the Riga Summit: No Transformation without re-equilibration. Egmont Paper, no. 11, May 2006

There is a gap however between this effort and the total armed forces of the 25, a consequence of the fragmentation of these € 180 billion over 25 Member States, which results in huge inefficiencies. The 25 have almost 2 million men and women in uniform, but only about ten per cent of that total is estimated to be deployable and only one third of that again can be deployed at any one time, in view of rotation. As shown above, these are the numbers of troops that the Member States are effectively deploying today. But the formal objective of ESDP also remains limited to the capacity of deploying a maximum of 60,000 troops, as per the original 1999 Headline Goal. Together the five ‘illustrative scenarios’ as well, on which the EUMS bases the definition of capability requirements, concern only 200,000 troops. Setting aside this quantitative limit, and abandon- ing the customary comparison with the US, though in consultation with it and other non-EU Allies, the political objectives of the ESS should be translated in a realistic military level of ambition, based on the full military potential of the 25 and on the responsibilities of a global actor of such weight. Which forces do the 25 want to have available at any one time for rapid response in crisis situations? Which forces do they want to contribute to long-term peacekeeping operations, on the Balkans and in Afghanistan, but also at the request of the UN, e.g. in Africa? Which over the horizon reserve does that require? Which capacity for territorial defence must be maintained? The long-term vision which the EU Mil-

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Territorial Impact Assessment - a new policy assessment tool to support territorial cohesion

Territorial Impact Assessment - a new policy assessment tool to support territorial cohesion

European Union (EU) directives, along with their transposing arrangements in EU member states, can have unanticipated and undesirable impacts on EU territories. These include impacts on the use of space (e.g. new infrastructure or sprawl), governance, and on wider social, economic or environmental dimensions. Although ex-ante assessment of the potential impacts of EU initiatives has been carried out since 2002 through the European Commission’s Impact Assessment procedure and in some member states also through national equivalents, important impacts are still overlooked, frequently because of their territorially heterogeneous nature within and between EU member states. This paper presents the results of the European ESPON EATIA research project, in which a territorial impact assessment (TIA) methodology was developed for national and regional (and potentially local) administrations in EU member states in order to inform their national positions in European draft directives’ negotiation processes.

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Territorial competitiveness in a systematic perspective  Evidence from Turin's territorial productive systems

Territorial competitiveness in a systematic perspective Evidence from Turin's territorial productive systems

(this view is particularly spread in Italian industrial district literature). In this perspective it might be less important to state a clear hypothesis about the size of the single firms locally interacting. Also, the idea of interpreting the agglomeration like a collective actor blurs the boundaries between internal and external economies: both internal and external economies (with reference to the single firms) are anyway internal to the cluster, which is the relevant unit of analysis. This solution to overcome the size and competition matter has also important consequence on the territorial competitiveness issue. In the first chapter we have underlined the dilemma of the juridical personality of territories, which somehow sounds similar to the possibility of considering the agglomeration as a collective action. In other terms, the ‘collective firm’ framework offers some suggestions and impressions for overcoming the impossibility of thinking a territory as a collective action. Of course this relation is a delicate one, as we cannot just equating economic collective action to territorial personality, as the latter is a more complex phenomenon than the joint action of a number of firms. As we shall do in next chapters,

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Evolutionarily stable defence and signalling of that defence

Evolutionarily stable defence and signalling of that defence

Given that defended prey can vary their degree of conspicuousness, a pertinent question is how conspicuous (or how cryptic) should a particular prey be? Conspicuousness is, in many prey, directly traded-off against crypsis, such that the benefits that accrue from conspicuousness (reduced recognition errors, enhanced wariness, accelerated learning and decelerated forgetting processes in predators) are gained at the expense of increased rates of detection by predators. Should we expect optimal conspicuousness to increase continuously with the strength of a prey animal’s defence, as has recently been suggested (Summers & Clough, 2001), or can we expect a more complex relationship between defence and conspicuousness? A second, related and

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Territorial cohesion and structural funds programmes: urban development and territorial cooperation

Territorial cohesion and structural funds programmes: urban development and territorial cooperation

The nature of the regions in which the programmes operate obviously plays a major role in this classification. However, due to the selection criteria adopted to determine territorial eligibility for the Structural Funds, in the case of Objective 2 programmes, some programme areas are considered as non-urban even though they are set within highly urbanised regions. This is particularly the case of Lombardia. While the region itself is the most populous and one of the most prosperous in Italy - with over 9 million inhabitants and the international hub of Milan (one of the five connecting points of the above-mentioned pentagon) - the programme area itself is characterised by relatively low population density, poor local accessibility, and rural or mountainous geographical and economic features. This is because the programme operates within small, scattered fractions of the regional territory, involving less than 7 percent of the total regional population and areas that are mostly at the edges of the region’s territory and economic processes (with the exception of the so called Sempione Axe).

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Territorial Intelligence as an Approach of Cooperation in the Territory: 
      Case study in Hassan 1st University

Territorial Intelligence as an Approach of Cooperation in the Territory: Case study in Hassan 1st University

According to the conclusions of those seminars, we try to demonstrate that the territorial intelligence can constitute an appropriate solution to problems induced by the phenomena of globalization which destabilize politically and economically the countries and territories. We want to make reflections on the modes and the processes of implementation of this approach and to define tracks to be followed. Several experiments has taken place in Morocco and in the world, but the originality of our approach is that it is performed by professors and by the civil society actors in an ascending approach with the objective to promote the university, as a full actor, at the heart of the territorial dynamics.

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Territorial development reconsidered

Territorial development reconsidered

worldwide spread of western values. Many people think that globalisation represents one of accompanying phenomena of technological revolution. Quick pace of globalisation caused that the process itself is qualitatively ahead of other, e.g. democratic or moral components of space. To sum it up, there is nothing like generally accepted definition of globalisation. Globalisation as well as other major processes bears many pros and cons. And since the society is more sensitive to its negative aspects, general discourses concentrate namely upon its unfavourable environmental, economic as well as social consequences. The fact that globalization contributes to the dissolution of the nation states, which involves also important territorial-political connotations is stated only seldom. However, the world witnessed the same situation a couple of centuries ago, when nation state practically eliminated the autonomous cities as well as other self – governing entities. Thus, from spatial point of view, we are currently entitled to talk about higher rank of territorial integration.

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Territorial Checking and Balance: The Change of the Spanish State Territorial Organization by Subconstitutional Rules

Territorial Checking and Balance: The Change of the Spanish State Territorial Organization by Subconstitutional Rules

C in connection with the political structure of Spain, it can be argued that Spain is similar to a federal state, but it is not a classical federalism such as that of the United States. However, according to both William H. Riker [9] and Ivo D. Duchacek’s [10] minimalist definitions, Spain could be considered a federal state. The Spanish consti- tution and Statutes of Autonomy, though subconstitu- tional laws, define the responsibilities between the state and each individual Autonomous Community, and also specify the element of unity and the element of autonomy that characterizes the federal government. In addition, with respect to power sharing, the power is not concen- trated only in a central sphere, but also resides in some territorial instances (legislative and executive), with the exception of the judiciary, which in the Spanish case is unique throughout the State territory (there are federa- tions such as Austria, Canada or India where the judi- ciary is not divided vertically).

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The representation of the territory as an instrument of survey of the unesco heritage in Montenegro on the adriatic coast

The representation of the territory as an instrument of survey of the unesco heritage in Montenegro on the adriatic coast

The closures of old arches, windows, doors made to the architectural complex taste Baroque and territorial elegance. As is known, the Baroque, not only conquered the facades and palaces, but also churches and Romanic church towers. The masters from Ragusa worked in Baroque style, then dominant and clearly traceable on the details, turning slender original Romanesque structures in a fairly massive architectural mass. Although most of the town of Kotor has been made according to the Baroque style, the architectural and artistic taste did not represent the typical character of it but, rather, maritime centers close as Perasto, Perzagno, Dobrota and Stolivo, which flourished during the Baroque age. Many buildings designed by architects and the Bay of Kotor masters: particular attention deserves the monastery of Savina, near Castelnuovo, built between 1777 and 1799. According to the original designs of the time, the church had to have a high dome, according to Byzantine tradition but the architectural taste it appeared essentially Romanesque, with some Gothic and Baroque elements. The city of Perasto changed its territorial and cultural point of view in the decorations and the arts. The refined taste of local contacts with foreign countries tended to give to churches and their own homes, the nobility of style, but never exaggerated.

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The regionalisation of New Zealand's territorial forces, 1999 2005 : [a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Defence Studies at Massey University, 2011]

The regionalisation of New Zealand's territorial forces, 1999 2005 : [a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Defence Studies at Massey University, 2011]

There is an element of anti-militarism in New Zealand society, or, at least, a perception that the defence industry is guilty of something by its association with war. New Zealand's birth as a nation coincided with significant contributions and sacrifices in the two world wars. As well as earning great respect for their fighting capabilities, the 1 st and 2 nd New Zealand Expeditionary Forces (NZEF) suffered numerous military disasters and a large number of casualties. In fact, per head of population, New Zealand suffered more deaths and injuries than any other nation in the Great War and this left an indelible impression on the young country: “We are a nation that knows how to weep over our dead” quotes Phillips, who notes that New Zealand and Australia have different perceptions of the ANZAC tradition. Whereas the Australians embrace the tradition as part of what it is to be “Australian” and associate it with self confidence and capability, in New Zealand the two World Wars and their heritage are primarily connected with the cost, in terms of the dead and the maimed, and with remembering military defeats (Gallipoli, Crete and Monte Cassino are relatively well known to the average New Zealand citizen, the deeds of the 1 st NZEF in stopping the German offensive of 1918, or the important role played by the 2 nd NZEF at El Alamein are not). 5 Mortlock believed that this focus upon military disasters and casualties, combined with a strong anti-authoritarian trait amongst New Zealand people, has led to a negative perception of the nation's defence force. “It is worth remembering that after World War One about every tenth man you passed in the street had a visible injury like a leg missing or something like that. It was right in your face: the army got you hurt.” 6

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Cutting edge: the evolution of capability advantage in Australian strategic policy discourse 1968-2009

Cutting edge: the evolution of capability advantage in Australian strategic policy discourse 1968-2009

Although Beazley was generally well-liked as an individual in both major parties, he was a polarising Minster for Defence. Some believed that he was the finest minster that the Department had ever had. Beazely enjoyed a glowing record of major reform all the way from strategic interests and objectives down to long-term force structure planning, capability acquisition and military training and doctrine. He also struck a difficult balance between the Hawke Government’s views on defence self-reliance with the necessity of the US alliance and in the process forged strong relationships with many prominent American politicians. 444 Beazley was also seen as overzealous and militant. He was criticised for his fascination with expensive high-tech capabilities, particularly the Collins class submarines, and for reductions in the size of Australia’s ground forces. 445 Some commentators also objected to his readiness to use force in regional matters and characterised his approach to defence a new militarism. In balance, these criticisms were likely overstated. 446 Despite Beazley’s vehement rhetorical support for defence, the Department’s budget actually contracted during his tenure. In addition, the size of the ADF, primarily the Army, shrunk significantly under the Hawke and Keating governments. 447 Beazley faced vigorous debates on many aspects of Labor’s strategic policy agenda. Selling a new Australian identity was a tall order under such circumstances and Beazley did not gain significant traction until he neared the end of his

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THE NEW EUROPEAN DISORDER Ivan Krastev and Mark Leonard

THE NEW EUROPEAN DISORDER Ivan Krastev and Mark Leonard

Secondly, Europeans assumed that Russia’s integration into the world economy would spawn a conservative foreign policy. European leaders and European publics fell victim to cartoonish depictions of Putin’s elite. The stories of pervasive corruption and cynicism convinced Europeans that Putin’s elite would resist anything that might endanger their business interests. This vision of Russia Inc. turned out to be wrong. Russian elites are greedy and corrupt, but some of them also dream of Russia’s triumphant return to the global stage. While very few Russians long for a return to Soviet communism, a majority is nostalgic for the Soviet Union’s status as a super-power, “a state that could be respected”. The Russian elite, more than the European elite, tends to think about its role in history and to combine mercantilism with messianism. The nature of Putin’s revisionism was more profound than Europeans realised. For Putin, the end of the Soviet Union was not a historical necessity, rather it had been caused by a failure of the Soviet leadership. Thirdly, Europeans failed to appreciate the psychological impact of the “colour revolutions” and the global financial crisis on Russia. The Orange Revolution in Ukraine was Putin’s 9/11. Since then, the Russian president has viewed remote-controlled street protests as the primary threat to his regime. The Kremlin is convinced that all colour revolutions in the post-Soviet space, including the protests in Russia, have been designed, sponsored, and guided by Washington. The financial crisis of 2009, on the other hand, made Putin believe that globalisation is in retreat and that a great power in the post-crisis world must have an economic region of its own. Putin’s actions in Ukraine may resemble nineteenth-century Russian imperial politics, but they are actually part of a worldwide twenty-first century revolt against globalisation. But the encroaching threat Putin fears is to Russia’s political identity, rather than its territorial integrity. Not surprisingly, the EU’s presence in the post-Soviet space is now viewed by Moscow as a menace as powerful as NATO’s enlargement. The Kremlin is as alarmed by the West’s attempts to change Russia’s “cultural code” as by the prospect of NATO taking control of Russia’s naval base in Sevastopol.

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NATO‘s Northeast Quartet: Prospects and Opportunities for Baltic Polish Defence Cooperation  OSW Policy Paper, November 2018

NATO‘s Northeast Quartet: Prospects and Opportunities for Baltic Polish Defence Cooperation OSW Policy Paper, November 2018

Despite this positive overall picture of cooperation in bilateral, multilateral and NATO frameworks as well as the general tone set by high-ranking officials about its importance, there is a sense that more could be done. This applies to political and military cooperation within NATO (e.g. on eFP, the Alliance’s adaptation and “Military Schengen”) and within the EU (e.g. on the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP) as well as in bilateral and quadrilateral formats between and among Poland and the Baltic states. Poland’s military “footprint” in Estonia, for instance, is light, and the bilateral cooperation agenda is fairly thin. Baltic support to Poland’s positions—which are otherwise seen as closely aligned with those of the Baltic states—on such issues as NATO Force Structure (NFS) and NATO Command Structure (NCS) reforms has been less forthcoming than expected by Warsaw. In essence, the Three Plus One (3+1) format—in contrast to bilateral initiatives—has hardly led to any substantive outcomes. Therefore, looking at the recent record, many observers of Baltic-Polish cooperation point out that despite the examples of increased cooperation cited above, on the whole there has been “more talk than walk”. The reasons behind the difficulties encountered will be further explored in the next section.

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B GL 300 000 Canada's Army (1998) pdf

B GL 300 000 Canada's Army (1998) pdf

location (being removed from major areas of conflict), and by the maintenance a set of beneficial political relationships, first with Great Britain and then with the United States which, except for the two World Wars, negated any requirement for major defence outlays. Thus, from the period of Confederation up to the First World War, membership in the British Empire and the protection afforded by the Royal Navy, coupled with improving relations with the United States, enabled Canada to develop and prosper, generally free from serious security concerns. At the same time, certain cultural similarities, shared democratic ideals, expanding trade, and significant population intermixing resulted in a strong friendship taking root between Canadians and Americans. Accompanying these factors was the recognition that Canadian and American strategic security interests in North America were indivisible. This understanding was formalized in 1940 and 1941 with the Ogdensburg and Hyde Park Declarations whereby both countries pledged themselves to shared responsibility and effort for continental defence. A Permanent Joint Board on Defence was established along with an associated Military Co-operation Committee. Under the auspices of these bodies, senior military staff of the Canadian and US armed forces continue to meet to discuss matters of mutual interest and concern, including ensuring currency of the Canada — US Basic Security Plan. This important bilateral relationship, along with Canada’s his- toric military ties to the Commonwealth, is further enhanced by Canada’s membership in the ABCA forum which links America, Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand in military standard- ization matters.

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Fiscal policy in a depressed economy : was there a ‘free lunch’ in 1930s’ Britain?

Fiscal policy in a depressed economy : was there a ‘free lunch’ in 1930s’ Britain?

Table 5 sets out in more detail the estimated impact of defence news on GDP during the recovery period, already shown in Figure 6 based on our preferred specification. Using the total multiplier (including the direct and indirect components), this impact averaged 7.1 per cent of GDP in 1938 and amounted to £347.8 million (at 1938 prices) for the four quarters. However, our results suggest that the reason rearmament had a big impact was because the future spending plans were massive rather than because there was a large fiscal multiplier at the ZLB. The large rise in GDP at a time of increased defence expenditure came as armaments manufacturers scrambled to add capacity in anticipation of strong future demand (Robertson, 1983).

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