The European Integration

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The Global Proliferation of Regional Integration. European Experience and Worldwide Trends. ZEI Discussion Paper C 136, 2004

The Global Proliferation of Regional Integration. European Experience and Worldwide Trends. ZEI Discussion Paper C 136, 2004

The European sense for the external perception of their integration experi- ence was underdeveloped. This was not only the case regarding the percep- tion of Europe developing into a fortress of affluence and peace in the midst of a world in poverty and gripped by conflicts. This was also evident regarding the enormous interest that the European integration experience was gaining in other parts of the world; at the same time, it is even consid- ered as a type of “role model” for regional integration. The EU only incre- mentally realized these dimensions of its international reputation. In this context, it was also open to further debate as to which way European norms and universal norms are related to each other. In other words: What is uni- versal about Europe’s normative claims as expressed through a common constitution and which of Europe’s normative experiences can be univer- salized without provoking resentment against imposed cultural dominance and confronting Europe with the critique of practicing double-standards? Inside the European Union, the relationship between cultural diversity and constitutional identity could not be resolved automatically with the intro- duction of the first European constitution. It remained controversial whether or not political identity could be managed at all. Who could even pretend to regulate it under which mandate and with which goal? In the early 21 st century, the thought was shared by most scholarly literature that Europe had developed into a multi-level system of governance. 38 That Europe was also developing a multi-level notion of identity – or multiple identities – was a rather new thought to be introduced in the emerging de- bate over a culture of European memory and self-reflection.

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From National Identity to European Constitutionalism-European Integration: The first fifty years. ZEI Discussion Paper C 141, 2004

From National Identity to European Constitutionalism-European Integration: The first fifty years. ZEI Discussion Paper C 141, 2004

The European sense for the external perception of their integration experi- ence was underdeveloped. This was not only the case regarding the percep- tion of Europe developing into a fortress of affluence and peace in the midst of a world in poverty and gripped by conflicts. This was also evident regarding the enormous interest that the European integration experience was gaining in other parts of the world; at the same time, it is even consid- ered as a type of “role model” for regional integration. The EU only incre- mentally realized these dimensions of its international reputation. In this context, it was also open to further debate as to which way European norms and universal norms are related to each other. In other words: What is uni- versal about Europe’s normative claims as expressed through a common constitution and which of Europe’s normative experiences can be univer- salized without provoking resentment against imposed cultural dominance and confronting Europe with the critique of practicing double-standards? Inside the European Union, the relationship between cultural diversity and constitutional identity could not be resolved automatically with the intro- duction of the first European constitution. It remained controversial whether or not political identity could be managed at all. Who could even pretend to regulate it under which mandate and with which goal? In the early 21 st century, the thought was shared by most scholarly literature that Europe had developed into a multi-level system of governance. 38 That Europe was also developing a multi-level notion of identity – or multiple identities – was a rather new thought to be introduced in the emerging de- bate over a culture of European memory and self-reflection.

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Has European integration gone too far? An analysis of party families’ stances on European integration

Has European integration gone too far? An analysis of party families’ stances on European integration

The following can be said when elaborating on the categorization ‘strongly in favor’ and ‘moderately in favor’ for the Christian democratic party family and the Protestant by Marks et al. (2002). The results in figure 1 and 2 show that the EPP is on the ‘completely disagree’- position regarding question (1). In addition, on question (2) it is positioned on the ‘neither agree, nor disagree’ option. The last result corresponds more to the position of the Protestant party family then to the Christian democratic party family (cf. Table 2) because the Protestant party family is according to Marks et al. (2002) ‘moderately in favor’ of European economic integration (cf. Table 4). However, with regard to the Christian democratic family, Gallagher et al. (2006) explain that this party family is together with the Social democratic party family the one most in favor for European integration. The Christian democratic party family is however more in favor of European economic integration. This position is clearly reflected in the EPP’s ‘completely disagrees’ position on question (1) as they are in favor of the Euro. Nevertheless, in case of the CDU and CSU in Germany, this position on the economic dimension of the EPP would be striking. This is because both parties are known to object parts of the European integration process. On that issue, the latter party is more objective than the former one. This example serves the means to explain outliers, which are found in the figures. In figure 1 there is an outlier for the EPP party group. Parties such as the CDU and CSU in Germany could be an explanation for outliers. With regard to the size of the data set, it is however unlikely that only one or two parties impact the data set in so much as to create outliers.

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From the 'Rescue of the Nation State' to the Emergence of European Spaces. EUIJ-Kansai Workshop on "New Research Horizons of the History of European Integration", May 10, 2008, Toyonaka (Osaka)

From the 'Rescue of the Nation State' to the Emergence of European Spaces. EUIJ-Kansai Workshop on "New Research Horizons of the History of European Integration", May 10, 2008, Toyonaka (Osaka)

Here, my contention is based on a trend in the current European politics research. One of the main research agendas in the political science has been the so-called 'Europeanisa- tion' research paradigm for these ten years (Featherstone and Radaelli 2003). This paradigm seeks to find out what effect the European Integration project has brought about on the policy and politics in each member states. After an initial excitement and a flood of papers and dis- sertations, many researchers in the field have found various methodological difficulties. The immediate one is that the hypotheses do not work as expected. And it is also said that only to explore the so-called "downloading" from Brussels is not enough and we should investigate uploading at the same time. It is rather an obvious point for the Historical research and there is no problem.

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"The Sociology of European Integration"

"The Sociology of European Integration"

classic class and occupational categories. It was also be about spatial formations and networks. No-one is suggesting that the European integration process is irreversible or that the social bases identified are cast in rock. The balance can change, earthquakes can happen; rights of mobility, movement across borders are a notably fragile achievement in a world still ruled by nationalised politics. But the stability of this construction over the fifty year long haul is striking. Even in the absence of an enthusiastic or highly mobilised population, and with the continual threat of political withdrawal, there is little to suggest any kind of roll back of European societal integration – and much to potentially suggest the opposite. Very little indeed may have yet been seen in terms of the consequences of everyday Europeanisation. Not that many people are moving, and only a minority have direct experience of the European citizenship rights of which the EU commission is so proud. But very few Europeans have been untouched in their material everyday lives by some aspect of European integration, and not many are actively imagining a different Europe. As is frequently said of the Erasmus generation, for whom Europe has become a banal, almost boring fact, it is too early to even see how deeply the European project has been anchored.

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European integration and corporate financing

European integration and corporate financing

structures when the country they reside, enters the EU and the EMU. The coefficient estimates for the interaction terms with FDI flows indicate that small firms in EU-15 increase their debt maturities when FDI flows increase while the interaction term with economic growth shows that when growth rates in the country increase small firms reduce their debt maturities. Combined with the earlier capital structure results, we show that small firms cannot benefit from declining interest rates and the expansion of banking sector either in their leverage or in their debt maturity choices. When supply side issues come in to play, banks’ preference to lend to large firms that are deemed less risky, might still prevail. This confirms the view of Demirguc-Kunt and Maksimovic (1999) that large firms are “inframarginal borrowers”, at the same time offering some evidence that small firms still experience access to external capital problems despite development of the financial sector in Europe. Equity market channel via FDI flows is the predominant source of external capital for small firms in EU-15. For small firms in EU-NMS we observe that none of the financial and economic changes taking place during the European integration process have an effect on debt maturities.

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What kind of European Banking Union? Bruegel Policy Contribution [2012/12?]June 25, 2012

What kind of European Banking Union? Bruegel Policy Contribution [2012/12?]June 25, 2012

 Bank resolution authority and capacity should allow for the resolution of banks without severe systemic disruptions and ideally also without exposing the taxpayer to losses. The US Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC)’s resolution authority that developed since the 1930s for depositary institutions is an early example. If a resolvability assessment concludes that a financial institution is no longer viable, the resolution authority should have strong powers to stabilize the core functions of systemic importance, in particular deposits and essential intermediation functions; to preserve the value of assets by preventing fire sales; to force junior and senior unsecured creditors to share losses, with debt restructuring, debt-equity swaps and “bail-ins” among the possible instruments. While the crisis has spurred increasing international consensus on the desirability of a special resolution regime for financial institutions and the key attributes it should include (FSB, 2011), many countries, including some in the EU and euro area, still lack such a policy framework. The European Commission has recently made proposals that would partly harmonize this policy area across the EU (European Commission, 2012).

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Lessons of European Integration for the Americas

Lessons of European Integration for the Americas

Of course, EU members have varied records on income inequality. The European Commission concedes that in Ireland and Spain, high national economic growth has actually widened disparities within regions of these countries. There is some disagreement over the causes of this trend. Carole Garnier, of the EC’s Economic and Financial Affairs Department, maintains that this is a natural result of faster progress in areas, usually urban centers, with higher growth potential. Vasco Cal, of the EC’s Regional Policy Department, claims, on the other hand, that policymakers have the power to tackle regional disparities, but have chosen instead to funnel more funds into richer regions. Both pointed out that while there has been some widening of gaps between areas of these countries, the poorer areas have nevertheless made progress in catching up with the rest of Europe. 22

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From Negative to Positive Integration. European State Aid Control through Soft and Hard Law

From Negative to Positive Integration. European State Aid Control through Soft and Hard Law

Finally, depending on the (im)precision of secondary rules, Member States can try to adjust their national policies rhetorically rather than substantively to the Commission’s criteria. They can relabel old forms of state aid in order to gain approval from the Commission. The less precise the Commission’s rules on admissible state aid, the easier it becomes for Member States to justify distortive state aid on this basis. In the past, the regional aid guidelines have sometimes been considered to create such loopholes (Dylla 1998). Whether the recently adopted framework on research, development and innovation aid is sufficiently precise remains to be seen; the new category of innovation aid has been particularly criticized for its lack of precision (Ehricke 2005). Thus, by pushing even further towards a harmonization of admissible state aid, i.e. in the direction of positive integration, the Commission might run the risk of undermining the negative integration it has achieved so far.

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The "Path Towards European Integration" of the Italian Constitutional Court: The Primacy of EU Law in the Light of the Judgment No. 269/17

The "Path Towards European Integration" of the Italian Constitutional Court: The Primacy of EU Law in the Light of the Judgment No. 269/17

sions on limitation, forming part of national substantive law, which prevent the application of effective and deterrent criminal penalties in a significant number of cases of serious fraud affecting the financial interests of the European Union, or which lay down shorter limitation periods for cases of serious fraud affecting those interests than for those affecting the financial interests of the Member State concerned, unless that disapplication entails a breach of the principle that offences and penalties must be defined by law because of the lack of precision of the applicable law or because of the retroactive application of leg- islation imposing conditions of criminal liability stricter than those in force at the time the infringement was committed” (ibidem, para. 62).

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Interdependence and Contestation in European Integration

Interdependence and Contestation in European Integration

The current conditions of integration, typified by ever more interdependence in policy domains that are highly salient and politicised, are likely to engender more and more con- testation in and of the EU. Without changes to the way in which such contestation is insti- tutionalised, it is likely to spill over from a substantive domain into a structural contesta- tion of the EU as a whole. Ultimately, interdependence cannot be managed without re- maining sensitive to the claims of those that are faced with its consequences. How can we rethink the way in which we manage interdependence under the current social and politi- cal conditions of wide-spread contestation? Several scholars have (more or less explicitly) engaged with this question. They fall in three camps. In the first camp we find those that argue for contestation of the EU through law. The logic, here, is that much of the power of the EU, and its incapacity to institutionalise contestation, emerges through the force of its legal order (sub-section IV.1). In the second camp we find those that argue for contesta- tion of law. They argue for an explicit (and legally enshrined) retrenchment of the power of EU law, and a strengthening of the power of political actors within the existing institu- tional framework of the EU (sub-section IV.2). The third camp suggests that contestation in conditions of interdependence inevitably requires substantive policy decisions to be taken beyond the level of the nation State. What requires changing, then, is the way in which decisions are made in the EU. In short, this argument suggests that the EU needs to become more sensitive to the substantive policy claims and substantive contestation in the way it takes decisions (sub-section IV.3).

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"The Language of Rights and European Integration"

"The Language of Rights and European Integration"

Consideration of the role of rights in Community law generally begins by examining how the terminology of rights, which was not to be found in the original three Treaties, was introduced into Community law. As a result, the focus of discussion is usually on the challenge to the supremacy of Community law which first came from the German legal system, in which constitutionally recognised rights were allegedly infringed by Community measures. However, the specific historical trigger for the emergence of a vocabulary of rights in Community law is only one part of the picture. It does not fully account for the continuance and expansion of the role of rights within Community law, and for the fact the judicial and the political institutions have increasingly brought the language of rights into their decision-making and formalised it in legal instruments. This expansion can be seen in the case law of the Court, in declarations and recommendations issued by the Council, the Parliament and the institutions jointly, in the preamble to the Single European Act and Article F of the common introductory provisions to the Treaty on European Union, as well as in the request by the European Council - acted on subsequently by the Council of Ministers - to refer the compatiblity of accession by the Community to the European Convention on Human Rights to the Court of Justice under Article 228.36

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The constitutional dilemma of European integration

The constitutional dilemma of European integration

So while “narrow” interests may have a strong interest in increased European integration, the “broad” interests may in contrast be seen as being systematically under-represented in the process of European integration. The reason is the simple that as the European Union contains more “ordinary” individuals than the individual member states, there may be expected to be larger collective action problems when it comes to mobilizing “general” interests. We should, for example, expect voters to be generally uninterested in the process of European integration as such, and hence badly informed about it too, i.e., to be and remain “rationally ignorant.” We should also expect relatively general interest groups trying to represent consumers and taxpayers to be wholly or almost absent from the scene. So we should, for example, not expect to see, e.g., legislation lowering the taxes of European taxpayers generally, e.g., by abolishing the CAP. Neither should we expect anyone in the public in general to press for, e.g., the abolishment of particular tariffs or the repeal of subsidies (Nedergaard 1991: 159; 1995: 129). We should finally also not expect anybody—except the most marginal and insignificant groups—to work for a general decentralization of Europe, i.e., a political deintegration. Such a policy would not be especially beneficial for anyone in particular but very harmful to some quite easily identifiable groups.

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European Union between the Constraint of Borders and Global Competition

European Union between the Constraint of Borders and Global Competition

Mihaela Adriana Padureanu analyses in EU and India in a globalized world the way in which the relations between the European Union and India are managed and developed. By using a neo-liberal institutionalist approach, she mainly focuses on the economic cooperation as an instrument to foster and develop the relations between the two entities. Her article is divided into three main parts; in the first part, she presents the theories of reference, the concepts which are relevant to this discussion, the methodology and the reasoning behind these choices. The second part is the case study of the development of EU-India relations, which is used to demonstrate these arguments. Historical relations are presented first in this part, in order to see the evolution of cooperation and interests of the EU and India. The last part of the articles focuses on the area in which cooperation is prevalent and the reasons behind this occurrence. The article concludes that the main interests in these relations are related to the economic area.

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Border Effects and European Integration

Border Effects and European Integration

way East-West European trade and intra-CEE trade was observed for rubber products and electrical machinery. Non-electrical machinery and iron and steel products also enjoyed im- portant trade creation. Trade between NMS increased largely in industrial chemicals and textiles. The lowest trade integration is found in the tobacco industry, subject to specific domestic regulations especially in core EU countries. In the case of intra-CEE trade, how- ever, this is due to the fact that trade in tobacco production between CEE countries was below its potential level even in 1994. For other chemical products and wearing apparel European trade has even lost some of its potential. This can be explained by the increased competition in these industries with products from emerging Asian countries and in partic- ular China. Moderate effects on trade are obtained for the rest of industries. By the year 2007 CEE-EU trade remains largely inferior to its potential (less than one third) only in seven: food products, beverages, tobacco, chemicals, iron and steel industries, professional and scientific and measuring and controlling equipment, leather products and printing and publishing. As expected, their number is larger for intra-CEE trade.

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Products of their Past? Cleavages and Intra-Party Dissent Over European Integration. IHS Political Science Series Paper No. 118. February 2009

Products of their Past? Cleavages and Intra-Party Dissent Over European Integration. IHS Political Science Series Paper No. 118. February 2009

The green party family, with ideological roots in the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s and in the environmental critique of modern industrial society, sits firmly on the left- libertarian or gal (green, alternative, libertarian) end of the new politics spectrum. I expect green parties to be somewhat divided over the issue, as it rekindles pre-existing divisions. As Hooghe and Marks note: ‘For left-gal parties, the European Union remains a difficult proposition because it combines gal policies with market liberalism’ (2009: 17). On the one hand, essential values of the green movement, e.g. environmental sustainability, social justice, and global security, necessitate transnational or international coordination. Thus, the rhetoric of green parties suggests support for the ‘uniting of the peoples’ of Europe and the erasure of borders to the extent that such action facilitates solutions to transnational problems and diminishes nationalist sentiments. On the other hand, paramount to green values is a sharp critique of advanced industrial society and the environmental, social, and human costs that accompany economic and technological advancement. Clearly, the EU’s focus on market principles, economic growth, and free trade does not sit well with this core green criticism.

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STRATEGIC CHALLENGES FOR SERBIA'S INTEGRATION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

STRATEGIC CHALLENGES FOR SERBIA'S INTEGRATION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

b) justice system for Association - dismantling of the Serbian structures of justice in Kosovo, facilitated applications of Kosovo Serb judges and prosecutors in the Kosovo judiciary; c) security force - almost finished completion of integration of Kosovo Serb police and civil protection personnel in Kosovo police forces; police and civil protection personnel in Kosovo police forces; personnel in Kosovo police forces; d) energy field – two new Serbian energy companies were established in Kosovo; e) telecoms – approved plan detailing implementation steps of the arrangement; f) Mitrovica bridge – both sides agree to involve the EU to revitalise the bridge; g) vehicle insurance –a recognition of each other’s jurisdiction for respective vehicle insurance –a recognition of each other’s jurisdiction for respective vehicle insurance proceeds; h) on customs on customs customs – agreements reached on the import agreements reached on the import of controlled goods into Kosovo, including medicines, i) the liaison arrangements liaison arrangements – all official visits are directly arranged by Liaison Officers, j) cadastre – there cadastre – there is an archives building in Belgrade with scanning of documents pertaining to archives building in Belgrade with scanning of documents pertaining to Kosovo 56 . However, Serbia needs to make some progress in establishing legal

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European Integration: Challenge and Response. Crises as Engines of Progress in European Integration History. ZEI Discussion Papers C. 157, 2006

European Integration: Challenge and Response. Crises as Engines of Progress in European Integration History. ZEI Discussion Papers C. 157, 2006

When we reflect about the enabling forces of progress in European integra- tion, we do it with a mixed bag of hope and fear, prejudice and compe- tence. Some might think the answer is as easy as the squaring of a circle. But even then: Who moves the circle, and how does the squaring come about? As we know, it is only frogs that jump. All the rest of us, the Euro- pean Union including, merely move, if at all. More than once, and some- times very surprisingly, new dynamics in European integration has origi- nated in dialectical processes, guided by the powerful and ironic law of un- intended consequences. 5 Sometimes progress in European integration was the result of trial and error. More often, it came about not in spite, but be- cause of crises. It seems to me that we could make more use of the classical concept of challenge and response - introduced by Arnold Toynbee in his seminal work on world history – in order to better understand and rational- ize the often unimaginable and irrational, uninspiring or dubious, yet all in all highly successful course of European integration.

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European integration by means of energetic integration

European integration by means of energetic integration

c) The electric and thermal power production, shipment and distribution sector: privatizing the production and distribution companies, organizing the energy stock market, establishing the regional energy market in Southeastern Europe, furthering private investments into new production capabilities based on cogeneration and non-polluting natural resources (hydro, solar, eolian), keeping up the efforts to establish the energy interconnection with EU nations, through the Transelectrica Company, and preserving the public ownership of it, extending offers for concession arrangements or privatization of the 25 unfinished hydroelectric power plants, and privatizing the micro hydroelectric power stations, increasing the capacity to interconnect with the European Union – Romania has a power reserve which may be used for export.

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Welfare Markets and the Democracy of European Integration

Welfare Markets and the Democracy of European Integration

which they were able to use later in the debate over the Services Directive. Insofar, the discursive linkage between the GATS and the Services Directive served to illustrate the idea that the European Union is a “Trojan horse” of the neo-liberal globalization in Eu- rope. The main frame which was opposed to the market – here referred to by the inter- ests of multinational corporations – was that of democracy. The GATS was framed as a threat not only to the publicness of welfare services but more broadly to the regulatory capacity of states; according to the anti-GATS coalition, this was made possible by the undemocratic nature of international trade talks at the WTO. The international cam- paign backlashed in EU politics as the European Commission was attacked for its dou- ble talk on welfare services. Under pressure from the public and the mobilization of lo- cal authorities in many EU countries, it ensured that welfare services markets would not be open to international competition; but at the same time, it was still seeking market opening for European companies in developing countries. Protest crystallized on water distribution, an area where private companies’ predatory behaviour had led to serious prejudice for deprived people in a number of countries.

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