The discussion of consumption, within sociology at least, has grown out of the attempt to grasp the nature of what J.K. Galbraith famously called the ‘affluent society’ (1962 ). He argued that the social and economic organisation of modern societies needed to leave behind the myth of the centrality of production together with a set of ideas about needs and wants that derived from the experience of poverty and insufficiency. In its place he argued for the importance of the creation and management of consumer demand, providing a brutalist vision of political economy in which the forces of the market indicated the moral as well as the economic order: “No tears should be wasted on the farmers who go bankrupt. This is the path to more efficient farm production” (Galbraith 1958: 235). The response of sociology was of course more cautious, recognising that the moral order could not so easily be understood by appeal to abstractions such as efficiency. Galbraith was articulating the economic forces that operated in the affluent society but he had little to say about the feelings, attitudes, relationships, sense of identity, groupings or everyday lives of the people in that society. Nonetheless, his argument that attention needed to be shifted from the field of production to that of consumption was compelling.
development of a user-pays system (now HECS-HELP) which only requires repayment once a person earns above a certain threshold. The connection of vocation and education became the financial driver. For law, the effect was dramatic and ongoing. The market discourse and rise of credentialism in a degree where fees are comparatively higher than most other higher degree options has seen the introduction of truncated law offerings, consumer return to the stand-alone law degree, the introduction of fully online JD and LLB programs, and ‘revises the thought-to-be dormant positivistic myth that law is autonomous and disconnected from the social forces that animate it’. 81 Many law schools
These changes in the 1970s marked a shift from a museum focused on traditional values of custodianship, preservation and interpretation to one where the needs of the community are located at its core. The so-called Latin New Museology 4 was born at this time, affecting the working practices of museums that were often functioning in contexts outside the confines of the ICOM Definition in countries such as Bra- zil, Mexico, Canada, China and Japan (de Var- ine 2017a). Ultimately, these anti-elitist ideas and practices challenged existing structures in society, and worked towards cultural decoloni- sation. As described by De Varine, a signatory of the 1972 Declaration, such a nexus of politi- cal, social and cultural forces both inside and outside Europe led to the conception of what we now know as the ecomuseum during an ICOM conference held in France in the early 1970s – a kind of integral museum that would become, first and foremost, an “agent of local development” (de Varine 2017b; 11). 5 Such a fluid and open concept is far removed from the ICOM Definition, and even further from the Oxford English Dictionary Online’s museum definition as “a building in which objects of his- torical, scientific, artistic, or cultural interest are stored and exhibited”.
The logistics infrastructure in the UAE is strategic to military and corporate power. There are no permanent foreign military bases in the UAE but its ports and airstrips are regularly used by Western forces. Jebel Ali is one of the US Navy ’ s most frequented foreign ports. 16 Abu Dhabi ’ s Mina Zayed is the second most visited port in the Persian Gulf by the US Navy and Fujairah Port is also used regularly. 17 The al-Minhad Air Base in Dubai has been used by the US, Canadian, British, Australian, New Zealand militaries and it played a role in ISAF ’ s logistics in Afghani- stan. 18 The UAE ’ s importance to corporate power is exempli ﬁ ed by the number of multinational corporations with headquarters in Dubai as well as importance of its role in global trade and business. 19 In this context the facilities described above are at the core of the UAE ’ s position in the global economy and allow the country to maintain a multitude of international links.
Operation Nexus was first launched by the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS), the largest police force in the country, in November 2012. The then Assistant Commissioner Mark Rowley pointed out: ‘Intelligence shows that 27% of all those people arrested for a criminal offence… are foreign nationals. Our closer collaboration with UKBA is about focusing on preventing risk on our streets for all of us, now and in the future’. 6 For the Home Office, one of the main drivers for partnering with the police was the ability to build deportation cases based on police intelligence and to enable deportation of individuals who although not criminally convicted were regarded as ‘criminals’ based on that intelligence. 7 In 2013, the House of Commons’ Home Affairs Select Committee recommended that Nexus be extended nationwide (Home Affairs Select Committee 2013, 19). Nexus was then rolled out to UK’s major regional police forces with jurisdiction over metropolitan areas, such as Manchester, Leicester and Birmingham. Yet, its implementation has been patchy. It has been claimed that police forces around the country have been slow in mainstreaming Nexus into their everyday work (Committee of Public Accounts 2015, 6) and that immigration checks were not conducted systematically on individuals arrested by the police (National Audit Office 2014, Vine 2014).
During the recent years the responsibility of economic development has largely been shifted on corporate sector from the governmental agencies. The responsibilities of every types of development are being shifted from bureaucrats to the technocrats. The political roles and pressures of the armed forces, business leaders, international consultants, technocrats, and community leaders are being re-shaped. In the present transitory condition, the role and responsibilities of civil servants are also being changed. The financial markets experiences in the Far Eastern and South American countries in recent past have shown that the problems of corporate sector are not only the problems of investors, speculators and stockbrokers, they are also the problems of a common man. The financial problems in corporate sector cannot be segregated from the problems of unemployment, income distribution, poverty and development.
As aforementioned, this study aims at examining the case of asymmetric causality and cointegration between government revenues and expenditures in Nigeria. In the economic parlance, it is believed that macroeconomic variables usually behave nonlinearly over the course of the economic cycle (Neftci. 1984). Based on this, Ewing et al. (2006) provides possible explanations for the existence of asymmetric relationship between government revenues and expenditures. Aside this, the movement of oil prices in the international market determines the behaviour of government revenues and expenditures in Nigeria. In Nigeria, the large part of revenues accrued to the government come from the sales of crude oil whose prices are subject to demand for and supply of crude oil in the international market. As the oil prices fluctuate (ups and downs), so also is the revenue realised from the sales of crude oil as well as the government expenditure (see Raifu and Raheem, 2018). Thus, it is expedient to re-examine the revenue- expenditure nexus nonlinearly or asymmetrically.
Water, energy and food are inextricably linked. Access to these resources and their effective management underpin development progress. The persistence of sectoral approaches to policy-making, however, has led to key resource constraints and policy responses being considered in isolation due to segmented planning and decision-making frameworks, with inadequate attention to the complex interactions that exist between sectors and resource systems (Pittock et al. 2013). This has often resulted in policies creating unintended consequences, such as increased WEF resource pressures, thereby exacerbating livelihood insecurities and undermining sustainable development (Bizikova et al. 2013). The close relationship between biofuels and food and water security encapsulates many of the WEF nexus issues. Biofuel production and supporting policies can lead to both positive and negative effects on food security (HLPE 2013) and water security (Gerbens-Leenes et al. 2012); the unintended effects of subsidised biofuels for transport may generate increased competition for land and water (ADB 2013). Linkages are also strong at the river basin scale where competing demands for water (upstream, downstream and between states in trans-boundary basins) can sharpen the trade-offs and opportunity costs of water use across agriculture ( food production), electricity generation, of which many forms are water intensive (hydropower and cooling), and urban and environmental needs. Future climate change represents an additional set of stressors on the nexus. Climate plays an important role in determining medium-term water availability and potential agricultural production, and some components of energy production and demand. Changes in the climate will drive f luctuations in WEF elements with secondary effects across the whole nexus (IPCC 2014). Furthermore, the ways in which demand for energy services are met lies at the core of efforts to mitigate climate change (World Energy Council/University of Cambridge 2014).
Now a days technology is growing rapidly and in order to make the full fledge of the technical aspects the work included is highly automatic as SPM (Special purpose machine ) is concern. The existing machines operation is done on the manual basis. as it takes the very much time due to that the organization can not be fulfill their requirements as it is most concern able things. so we introduce our machine which is highly automatic and that is through out handling of the components is done without any manual efforts. The nexus is an important part in MCB (so it has to be done on the basis proper working dimension and proper function ability
Force diagrams show you the direction a force is acting in. It shows you the direction an object is being pushed, pulled or twisted. The direction of the arrow shows you the direction of the force. The sizes of the arrows can be used to compare the sizes of the forces.
You may be familiar with moments and equilibrium from GCSE. This worksheet will reinforce what you have already learnt and help you to build on it. You will consider objects that are in equilibrium and the forces that act on them, and will practise calculating moments.
Despite the criticisms that I have made of attempts to establish efficiency as a master norm for contract law, this article is not an exercise in econophobia. I believe that economics offers important insights into the law and that ultimately no theory of contract can afford not to incorporate the insights of law and economics. Nor, despite the fact that I have spent much of this article defending them, am I ultimately persuaded by autonomy theories of contract. Rather, I believe that contract theory must find some principled integration of the two approaches. Unfortunately, the Artificial Personality Argument cannot harmonize the discordant voices of autonomy and welfare theories of contract. While it appears superficially appealing to efficiency theorists, on closer examination the theories of the corporation that it requires in order to be coherent cannot be reconciled with the methodological individualism of economics. Armed with the nexus-of-contracts theory of the corporation, autonomy theorists can deploy arguments developed in other contexts to account for firm-to-firm contracts. Obviously, the autonomy arguments that I have discussed are deeply controversial and not without their weaknesses. However, one need not be a partisan of such approaches to appreciate the key insight of this paper: While the injection of the corporation into contract theory throws up new examples of old problems, it does not pose any fundamentally new or unique issues for autonomy theories. A new lex mercatoria may indeed hold the promise of reconciling the competing approaches to contract, but the promise does not lie in the fact that autonomy theories can be summarily banished from its domain. Rather, the meta-theoretical advantage of a new lex mercatoria must lie in its ability to make the principled integration of autonomy and welfare theories into a single approach more tractable.
We will define a system as a collection of two or more objects on which forces act. The rules for solving Newton’s Laws problems with systems are exactly the same as they were before: sum up forces on a particular object. The only difference is that some of the reasoning can get tricky to keep track of.
Mode III: The forces are perpendicular to the crack (the crack is in front-back direction, the forces are pulling left and right). This causes the material to separate and slide along itself, moving out of its original plane (which is why it’s called out-of-plane shear).