2) We experience a serious civilization crisis which has an economic basis but goes beyond. It is a crisis of values, of identity and of project. Society shows itself incapable of solving old and new problems, such as employment, famine, poverty, housing, pollution, health, peace, security, environmental and natural resources’ preservation, sustainable development, etc. It is incapable to offer perspectives and hope to the people. Nevertheless, there is a strong political desire, expressed, for instance, by the initiatives of United Nation Organization and World Social Forum, to change the current course to selfdestruction of society.
However, the Internet alone will not resolve the issue of democratic apathy and crisis of democratic legitimacy. Much will depend upon policies adopted by governments to foster the role of the Internet in the democratic process. If government websites continue to develop along a ‘consumer’ model, then the envisioned ‘public sphere’ may not come to fruition, and an opportunity for democratic renewal may be missed. A vital opportunity to engage the marginalised sectors of society could be lost if the government does not actively seek to incorporate them in the democratic process e.g. by placing computers in schools, community centres etc. and providing training for those who lack computer skills (or assisted access for those with disabilities and literacy problems). Govern- ment policies also need to incorporate safeguards to ensure that the Internet is not exploited for purposes antithetical to a democracy, such as generating plebiscitary support, or for the purposes of populist agitation. Given that Internet technology is still in its infancy and most government sponsored websites to date have been experimental, it is too early to judge whether this opportunity for democratic renewal has been realised by governments. Accordingly it is submitted that either of two alternative visions of democracy may emerge in the next decade: The worst case scenario that can be envisioned is one in which politicians and bureaucrats adhere to the current ‘consumer’ model of websites, focusing on online service provision, and a ‘tokenistic’ adoption of online engagement opportunities e.g. online discussions, but retaining existing structures of policy formation so that the public’s input is ‘worked around’ rather than underpinning the democratic process. It is suggested that if this model prevails, then the public will grow increasingly frustrated with the democratic process, and election results such as those delivered by the French electorate will become an endemic norm, which no democratic government can risk.
In Promise and Problems of E-Democracy, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 2003) explores three joint perspectives on online engagement: information, consultation, and participation. ‘Information’ is a one-way relationship where governments produce and distribute information to citizens, such as occurs through websites and e-newsletters. This includes active attempts by governments to increase information dissemination on particular issues and arbitrary citizen access to information available through digital means upon demand. ‘Consultation’ involves a limited two-way process through which citizens can provide feedback to governments; for instance, via online surveys and petitions. This requires that citizens are provided with the information necessary to make informed decisions, but feedback is restricted to topics predetermined by governments, which means civic input has a limited capacity to shape political agendas and discourse. ‘Participation’ concerns the development of stronger relationships between citizens and governments, in which citizens are viewed as partners. It includes active involvement of citizens in the policy-making process and may take place through the use of, for example, digital discussions and wikis, where citizens can propose policy options and shape the direction of political dialogue. Governments, however, retain the responsibility for final decision-making and policy formation (OECD, 2003; see also OECD, 2001; Kingston, 2007).
cosmopolitan strategies that presuppose a universal form of political community based on one’s humanity. Instead, drawing on pragmatic philosophy, he points toward the development of democratic publics around particular issues and problems in world politics that either cannot be contained within state border or by their nature exceed them. He looks at the way global responses to environmental crises generate concrete sites of democratic politics that are not tied to either the territorial state or a national identity. Finally, David Chandler provides a troubling critique of cosmopolitan approaches to democracy. In his chapter he faults both liberal and poststructuralist forms of cosmopolitanism for severing the democratic subject from any site of politics. While it might be the case that the assumed universality of the rights bearing democratic subject is false and that the territorial state cannot effectively respond to social forces that shape contemporary life, the cosmopolitan response, Chandler suggests, is an evasion of the real question of what form and in what space will democratic politics take place if not within the sovereign state.
… Africa requires somewhat more than the crude variety of liberal democracy that is being foisted on it, and even more than the impoverished liberal democracy that prevails in the industrialized countries…. Even at its best liberal democracy is inimical to the idea of the people A very fundamental problem of liberal democracy in Africa as is that apart from its cross-purposes with African cultures, some contemporary African States merely become formally democratic by holding regular elections, adopting new constitutions, operating multiparty politics, etc, in order to satisfy the requirements for aid from Western Countries and institutions. Liberal democracy anywhere it survives is predicated on market oriented economies. Unfortunately, African Countries run moral economies which make African Countries, economically dirigiste . Given the economies of African Countries therefore, and their political economy based on African Cultures, African Traditional Democracy remains the best option for African Countries. The problem that could be envisaged concerns the multi-cultural situation of some African Countries which may make African democracy a complex
examples of public forums or chat rooms that fall in line with the promise of e-democracy. In a subsequent study, Ferber et al. (2005a) further explored the interactivity of the government websites. Noting the limitation to one definition of interactivity, the authors (2005a) performed this study with a features-based evaluation and a survey of the chief technology officers (CTO) of each legislature in 2003. Respondents were asked about the importance of each of the original five criteria, the interactive feature on their sites, and what features they would like to add to promote interactivity. Interactive was rated the second to last important criteria for the CTOs, whereas content was the most important. Very few of the features that the CTOs mentioned that were on their sites represented two-way communication. Ferber et al. (2005a) conclude that the sites are providing unprecedented access to information but still lacking in two-way communication. These sites may not be appropriate venues for forums and discussion because they may violate nonpartisanship standards; however, “standards that limit or foreclose public debate are antithetical to the concept of interactivity” (p. 92). What they may be promoting is civic engagement by providing greater access to information especially through feature such as bill tracking, meetings, and the “find your legislator.”
Plastic money made from plastic and easy to use. A customer can purchase goods and services by using plastic money. Plastic money ensures transaction safe and reduces risks because there is no need to carryout cash in pocket for payment. Plastic money includes debit card, credit card, ATM card, smart carded (Mutual E, 2001).
Piki Ish-Shalom’s chapter argues for a ‘participatory and deliberative understanding of democracy and democratization’ (p. 52) – something that must mean not one but several different possibilities. He notes there are ‘criteria of reasonableness’ that impose limits on legitimate alternative conceptualisations to liberal democracy but does not identify them. And once again the advice offered to ‘policy-oriented scholars’, which is to invest in helping to ‘construct a civil society of informed, involved, and participating citizens’ (p. 44) looks pretty unremarkable even if, once again, this is something the democracy promoters would probably say they find much easier to endorse than into practice - especially in for example Putin’s Russia, where (external support for) autonomous civil society is increasingly repressed. In another chapter Heikki Patomäki extends Sheri Berman’s argument for social democracy to the global level, which dovetails well with Beate Jahn’s contribution too. Richard Youngs’ chapter, already noted, completes the first half of the book, on ‘Orientations’. Remarkably, Youngs’ chief claim that democracy promotion is simply not doing enough to further core liberal norms around the world in a way that would allow local variations in and choices over democratic reform to flourish (p. 100) seems to take us full circle back to the gist of Whitehead’s argument for supporting and reinforcing locally rooted democratic impulses. But for Youngs this also seems to mean that more should be done to help societies prevent the benefits of (essential) neo-liberal economic policy reforms being captured by narrow – often autocratic - politico-economic elites (p.106). Where other contributors see a tension between liberalism’s political freedoms and economic freedoms or its attachment to private property, Youngs cautions against underestimating the true extent of popular demand for liberal democracy, especially if competing democratic conceptions mean less space for a variety of different local choices.
Africa is a vast continent with such a diverse and complex culture, which requires us to be careful in our language as we discuss and debate about the continent. Thus, the question of democracy in Africa is nowadays a debate that divides very schematically the political scientists. For instance, it is when it comes to the identification of the beginning of democratization in the continent, the description of the level of advan- cement in the democratic practice or even the nature of democracy that the differ- ences arise. Although one thing remains undisputable: the practice of democracy in Africa suffers from many problems such as, misunderstanding, violence, problem of adaptation, multiple numbers of political party. Africa is a vast continent with such a diverse and complex culture, which requires us to be careful in our language as we discuss and debate about the continent. Thus, the question of democracy in Africa is nowadays a debate that divides very schematically the political scientists. For in- stance, it is when it comes to the identification of the beginning of democratization in the continent, the description of the level of advancement in the democratic prac- tice or even the nature of democracy that the differences arise. However, one thing remains undisputable: the practice of democracy in Africa suffers from many prob- lems such as, misunderstanding, violence, problem of adaptation, multiple numbers of political party.
Electioneering is the process used by most countries of the world to select their desired leaders minor or major. The accuracy of the voting process cannot be therefore overemphasized. So far the age long offline method of voting – using paper, has been hunted by spells of corruption and rigging. This fact has not dispelled its use as against the newer e-voting because of the seeming general belief that it is the lesser evil of two demons (Rubin, 2010). Despite the apprehension and doubts, e-voting has however been very useful in elections conducted in some major countries of the world.
People’s acceptance of E-filing is highly related to their level of technology readiness. Technology readiness is defined as people propensity to embrace and use new technology for accomplishing certain tasks. So more efforts must be made in this direction by Indian Income Tax Department then only the can achieve their mission “Technology in the service of Tax Payers”.E-filing can be tremendous boom to revenue authorities in developing countries, reducing their administrative cost and error rates and improving their efficiency Finally in this information communication technology era, every government is required to develop a reliable, fast and customized channel for service delivery under various E-governance initiatives. The present study is a systematic attempt in this direction to explore customer acceptance of one such input in the form of E-filing return.
inte explicit uttalad utan existerar i form av sanningar, självklarheter och underförstådda antaganden om vad informationstekniken är. Jag föreställer mig således att de olika e-demokratiförsök och IT -sats- ningar som görs i samhället präglas av och är en del av denna informa- tionstekniska diskurs. Ambitionen med denna artikel är därför att med utgångspunkt i några svenska kommuners e-demokratiförsök ge en övergripande beskrivning av diskursen och hur den verkar i praktiken. Analysen har tre steg: inledningsvis försöker jag med teoretisk inspira- tion från Jürgen Habermas utröna vad som är utmärkande för politi- ken kring IT ; sedan tittar jag på hur aktörerna förhåller sig till IT som teknik; avslutningsvis sker en analys av diskursens demokratiideal. Diskursanalysens teori och metod
The problem in e-banking is that the Internet is not a regulated technology and it is readily accessible to millions of people, and there will always be people who can manipulate it to make illicit gains. With the evolution of delivery channels relating to fund- based services such as, Electronic Funds Transfer (EFT) and Electronic Clearing System (ECS), the security measures need to be developed adequately. EFT is the safest and fastest way to transfer money, regardless of bank, branch, or city. ECS enables deposit of dividends into the shareholder’s account, if the bank account is given. In September 2000, the Institute of Development and Research in Banking Technology (IDBRT) implemented its long-awaited EFT and real-time gross settlement (RTGS) system, with services available throughout India (Mahabharat, 2000). Various other concepts such as digital signatures, certification, storage of information in a secure and tamper-proof manner assume significance and will be part of the practices and procedures in the day-to-day functioning of banks in the future. With increased dependence on technology, the need for Information Systems Audit also assumes significance coupled with the availability of skilled personnel not only for implementing technology but also manning such technology based activities and conducting audit thereof. From a legal perspective, security procedure adopted by banks for authenticating users needs to be recognized by law as a substitute for signature. In this regard, RBI is about to become the first Government owned digital signature Certifying Authority (CA) in India. The move is expected to initiate the electronic transaction process in the banking sector and will have far-reaching results in terms of cost and speed of transactions between government- owned banks (RBI, 2013).
Informing participant actors in a given process is crucial for decision making. The supporters of representative democracy and opponents of referenda would strongly emphasize as a main argument the informing and populist aspect of the direct democracy. According to the critics of referendum, the citizen which part-take in voting, are not adequately well-informed to make important decisions, so they can be manipulated by influential personalities of the society and the propaganda transmitted by the media. In support of these arguments we can find a dozen of pretentions according to which it’s through democracy that ‘the tyrannies of the majority’ can come alive, bringing forward very dark historical periods such as those of Hitler and Musolini, who used the direct democracy to empower their oppressive role. Another similar more recent case is that of the 1978 referendum in Chile, where the army clique in power asked the people whether it supported that government and the results where 95% in favor of the clique. In this same country in 1988 it was through a referendum that an end was put to the Pinochet regime and the transference of power to a democratic government took place. Let’s not forget, however, that this commentary considers and defends the idea of local referendum as an important tool for civil engagement and consolidation of democracy in the country.
The Information Age brought about significant changes not only in how people communicate with each other, but also to the broad political landscape. In the new wired world, collections of widely scattered individuals with a common interest or a shared concern about a specific social issue quickly form and make their collective voice heard. Such communication could not have existed only a few years ago. Politicians and political parties are using new in- formation and communications technologies to an unprec- edented degree, as are citizens, with potentially profound impacts on democracy and representative institutions ( Al- exander & Pal, 1998).
Elitism does not promote elite rule. It merely helps us to understand how the rules of a society, especially a democratic one, may actually obstruct the social progress of the masses. Elitism argues that elites are needed, due to the ignorance of the masses and their unwillingness to act responsibly. One thing that elites are particularly fearful of is the tendency for masses to be vulnerable to demagogic appeals. Demagogues or counter elites are mass-oriented leaders who express outright hostility toward established order and appeal to the mass sentiments. This can be from the far left or far right. This also helps to explain why domestic elites remain fearful of direct democracy and why the Founding Fathers were against the establishment of national referenda.
As previously stated, content directly relates to the idea of participation and civic engagement by providing citizens and Internet users the necessary information required to participate in their own governance. Although supplying content and information is reminiscent of digital democracy, and e-government based its primary purpose to inform constituents, what the European Parliament provides facilitates discourse. The 31 content features listed within the codebook detail the types of information available. Primarily, the website is divided into sub- categories including News, Video, Think tank, Committees, Plenary, MEPs (Member of the European Parliament), Organisation, Delegations, EPTV, Parliament and You, and More. Modes to reach Parliament representatives including physical addresses, phone numbers, fax numbers, and email addresses were all easily accessible and could be found through the MEPs link. One could view each nation’s Parliament representatives, a list of committees and members as well as reports and schedules.
A Volume Averaging Technique (VAT) has been developing from the 1960s and it has been applied to a number of different fluid dynamics and heat transfer problems. Recently, it has been applied to model processes in heat exchangers and heat sinks (Hu, 2001, Horvat & Catton, 2001 & 2003). Using VAT, the transport processes in a heat exchanger are modeled as porous media flow (Travkin & Catton, 1999). This generalization allows us to unify the heat transfer calculation techniques for different kinds of heat exchangers and their structures. The case-specific geometrical arrangements, material properties and fluid flow conditions enter the computational algorithm only as a series of precalculated coefficients. The