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Social and Political Life - III

Social and Political Life - III

As we developed this last book, we were also aware that in the future changes will be made to the social and political life curriculum as well as these textbooks. We hope that sharing the above reasons – why we developed these texts as well as what we hope the teacher and student will bring to the analyses presented – will allow you to deepen your commitment to this subject area. We hope that it will allow you to recognise that as the only subject area that deals with contemporary social and political issues in middle-school classes, Social and Political Life series provides you with a great opportunity to explore the ways in which your students’ lives are tied to broader societal issues. We would like for you to use this opportunity to begin to change the ways in which students are forced to learn information by rote in the classroom space. Since the information provided in these textbooks provides enough room to introduce connected local concerns and to develop an analysis based on this, you need to exercise an active role in making the classroom space exciting as well as safe for students of all backgrounds to air their opinions without feeling left out, ridiculed or silenced.
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Political, Social and Economic Determinants of Corruption

Political, Social and Economic Determinants of Corruption

This research is intended to observe the social and economic determinants from 92 samples of countries that have been chosen by modifying Shabbir and Anwar’s study in 2007. Shabbir and Anwar did not only observe the economic determinants, but also the social and political determinants such as religion and degree of democracy. The model in this research will be constructed based on Shabbir and Anwar’s study and are modified by adding and dropping independent variables for both the social and economic determinants. This research also adds a new measurement by regressing the model with two groups of countries, which are the developed and developing country groups. This division of groups is done to measure which independent variables are significant for the two groups and whether there are any differences of significant variables between the two groups.
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Social and political thought of Saunders Lewis.

Social and political thought of Saunders Lewis.

It is the intention of this thesis that the social and political thought of John Saunders Lewis be identified, analysed and presented to a wider political theory audience in a ‘history of ideas / political thought’ study format. In seeking to do so, Saunders Lewis’ political thought is considered in terms of a poltical theory terminology and conceptual framework, thus justifiying its value as an original study. Several of his ideas are deemed by the author to be of continuing relevance within the sphere of Welsh governance and wider normative theory. Hitherto, the vast majority of academic work and investigation has been conducted through the medium of Welsh, and has been focused on a primarily literary or biographical study of his work. A small amount of English-language academic study material exists on Plaid Cymru, and the Welsh nationalist movement in general. Some of these studies contain sections on the ideas that flow into its policies and that have shaped its key figures and thinkers, but none have dealt specifically with Saunders Lewis, or detailed his political thought extensively.1 On Saunders Lewis the individual, several excellent texts exist in the form of intellectual biographies, all of which deal with political elements, yet do not take his political thought as their sole interest.2 These biographies, whilst outlining his ideas well, are yet to appear in English and do not approach the subject matter from a ‘political theory’ or ‘history of ideas’ discipline. As a consequence they fail to deal with the deep political conceptual content contained therein. Other studies deal more explicitly with the ideas of Saunders Lewis, but it is from a cultural and literary theory angle. Yet again, Saunders Lewis’ expressly political thought is not the focus of these studies. The closest
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The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

ambassador to Britain (1876-1878). Kuo kept close contact with the Chinese naval students, and had a special friendship with Yen Fu. According to Kuo's account, the subject of Yen Fu's study in the Royal Naval College was naval command. His curriculum included mechanics, chemistry, physics, mathematics, navigation, and current international military affairs, such as the German-French war and the Russian- Turkish war.*^ According to Kuo, Yen Fu was very impressed by the depth and richness of Westem science and technology,'^ by the physical strength of Westerners in contrast to the Chinese,"* and above all, by the social, economic and political ideas and systems of Britain. Yen seemed to have paid a great deal of attention to the general social, economic and political situation in Britain, and tried to understand the differences between Britain and China. He 'often spent whole days and nights discussing differences and similarities between Chinese and Westem thought and political institutions' with the Ambassador Kuo Sung-t'ao.*^ He visited the British law courts and remarked to Kuo that the reason why England and other countries of Europe are wealthy and strong is that impartial justice is daily extended. Here is the ultimate source.'*^ By contrasting Britain with China, Yen Fu developed very critical attitudes towards the current Chinese situation. In a conversation with Kuo Sung-t'ao, Yen criticized the conservative attitudes of Chinese officials as demonstrated by their opposition to everything from the West, e.g. railways, ships and technology alike.'^
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Social Capital and Political Accountability

Social Capital and Political Accountability

To empirically test these implications, we exploit data on the behavior of Italian voters and political representatives in the postwar period. Italy is ideally suited to ask these questions, because within Italy there are large differences in social capital and other related cultural traits. We compare the average behavior of voters and members of Parliament in different electoral districts. Our main indicator of social capital is average per-capita blood donations in Italian provinces, although the results are robust to alternative measures. We rely on two indicators of misbehavior of political incumbents in national elections: the first is represented by prosecutors’ requests to proceed with criminal investigation against a member of Parliament (Richiesta di Autorizzazione a Procedere, called RAP from here on); the second is the rate of absenteeism in electronic votes by members of Parliament over the legislative term.
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The Political and the Social Dalit Movement

The Political and the Social Dalit Movement

Democratic Political Alliance This alternative conceptualisation of a political party based on a majority-minority dichotomy mirrors the classical Marxist category but with new cultural attires suitable to the Indian context. Social identity not only replaces the class category in this mode but also democratises the whole structure by sanctioning the autonomy to every cultural, social and religious group before forming the alliance. The bahujan identity neither believes in the total submission of all deprived communitarian identities to become one nor does it philosophise a complete suppression of the minority ruling elites to achieve its political ideals. Bahujan identity is a democratic political alliance between the politically deprived caste groups of contemporary India under the leadership of the most exploited castes of Indian history, the dalits. This coalition of all deprived minority communities (scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, other backward castes, and minorities) in practical sense represents the majority of the population in India. The BSP mobilises its voters using this newly carved meta-narrative by making one grand promise that power is the master key which enables its wielders to open every lock, whether social, political, economic or cultural The dalits being the formulators and leaders of the bahujan category are also the most stringent advocators of the BSP’s political strategies. They have discovered a pan-national legacy of bahujan leaders as their ideologues and constructed a distinct political discourse based on B.R.Ambedkar’s thoughts.
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political Support for Social Insurance

political Support for Social Insurance

In addition, higher risk aversion implies more support for social insurance, simply because adverse selection prevents private insurance from offering full coverage. However, if we remove the adverse selection problem (say, be- cause genetic tests can make individual risks known to the private insurance companies) then the public support for social insurance will shrink and the majority in favour of social insurance will become more fragile. We have also shown that the so-called “top-up system” where individuals can voluntarily supplement social insurance with some private insurance is not politically sustainable in the sense that there is always a majority that would prefer either full or no social insurance at all. This result is mostly a consequence of our non-expected utility model but it suggests the more general point that the political demand for mixed insurance depends heavily on the modelling of risk aversion.
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Social Media and Political Engagement

Social Media and Political Engagement

The politics of social networking site users and Twitter users Some 60% of all American adults use either social networking sites or Twitter. Some 69% of online adults use SNS and 16% use Twitter and, of course, a notable number of internet users exploit both platforms. The internet users who are liberals are more likely than their ideological counterparts to use social networking sites and Twitter for all kinds of reasons—not just for political purposes. The table below shows the partisan and ideological composition of the SNS user population and Twitter users and some of their other key demographic information.
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Social capital and political participation

Social capital and political participation

Abstract This paper analyzes the determinants of social capital, as generalized trust, from a microeconomic perspective. We review previous results at the aggregate level and test their significance in our setup. Specifically we aim at testing the role of political participation and the quality of institutions. The empirical work relies on microeconomic data from the 2008 wave of the European Social Survey, including 21 European countries and roughly 41,000 observations on a wide set of socio-economic and political variables. Preliminary results underline the role of political participation in the accumulation of generalized trust, while data are consistent with institutional quality being a consequence and not a cause of trust.
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Journal of Social and Political Sciences

Journal of Social and Political Sciences

The Asian Institute of Research Social and Political Sciences is a peer-reviewed International Journal. The journal covers scholarly articles in the fields of Social and Political Sciences, which includes, but not limited to, Anthropology, Government Studies, Political Sciences, Sociology, International Relations, Public Administration, History, Philosophy, Arts, Education, Linguistics, and Cultural Studies. As the journal is Open Access, it ensures high visibility and the increase of citations for all research articles published. The Journal of Social and Political Sciences aims to facilitate scholarly work on recent theoretical and practical aspects of Social and Political Sciences.
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Social media and political polarisation

Social media and political polarisation

The rise in populism in the Western world, most evident in the results of the 2016 Brexit referendum and the 2016 United States presidential election, has often been connected with the rise of social media. The unique character of social media has allowed extreme and polarised beliefs, two of the most identifiable features of populism, to emerge and spread in society through permitting the creation of echo chambers on a new larger scale, and providing new means for political campaigners and interested third parties to influence voter opinion. The abundance of information on social media might trigger voters to use simple heuristics to aggregate multiple sources of information. In this paper we report on several studies that focus on the implications of one such documented bias: “correlation neglect”, the propensity to treat information sources as if they are (conditionally) independent. We discuss the relation between correlation neglect and polarisation in opinions and party platforms. We also discuss how targeted political campaigns in the presence of correlation neglect may bias voters from different groups in different directions.
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Political Equilibria with Social Security

Political Equilibria with Social Security

Mention should be made here of the parallel and independent contributions by Azariadis and Galasso (1997), Cooley and Soares (1998) and Galasso (1998) addressing the existence and viability of a PAYG SSS from a point of view which is very similar to ours. Indeed all these authors adopt the overlapping generations framework to show that there exist equilibria in which Social Security is imple- mented by means of a majority voting mechanism. The basic intuition is therefore the same we introduce here, but all these contributions restrict their attention only to the case in which a constant Social Security tax is the equilibrium outcome and do not discuss the dynamic evolution of the political equilibrium and its impact on the accumulation of the aggregate stock of capital. Also, with the exception of Galasso (1998), the contributions by Azariadis and Galasso (1997) and Cooley and Soares (1998) consider only in passing the issue which is instead central to our analysis, i.e. the dynamic sustainability of a PAYG system over time as the long- run dynamics change both the available stock of capital and the total wage bill, and the form in which a collapse of the Social Security System may occur in front of a decrease in the growth rate of total labor productivity. On the other hand, these authors concentrate more on quantifying the welfare gains/losses generated by a social security tax by means of an explicit parameterization and of numerical simulations of the model at its steady state position. Our exercise and the ones just mentioned, therefore, appear as complementary rather than substitute.
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Social Media and Political Campaigns

Social Media and Political Campaigns

participate in phone banks (Greyes).‖ Obama raised a record-breaking amount of funds, mainly through small donations. Facebook seemed to be the major social network used in the campaign. Obama‘s Facebook page, currently with more than 19 million ―likes‖, relays information about his whereabouts, as well as posts relevant news from the White House. Currently run by Obama for America, the President‘s 2012 campaign, the Facebook page lists Obama‘s favorite books, movies, television shows and hobbies, just like the Facebook page of any user. The team also runs Facebook pages targeted to specific demographics, such as Women for Obama, Latinos for Obama, and Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders for Obama. These pages contain posts with links and videos to news that pertains specifically to these groups. While Obama‘s campaign team created pages for Obama and his wife Michelle, voter and supporter-generated groups also played a major role in Obama‘s campaign. Facebook groups like ―One Million Strong for Barack‖, founded in 2007 by Farouk Olu Aregbe, have mobilized many volunteers and garnered support for Obama. ―One Million Strong‖ was one of the first pro-Obama groups on Facebook (Aregbe). According to the group‘s description, members of the group have used the group‘s discussion board to ―coordinate political action with one another in order to propel Barack Obama to victory in the presidential election (Aregbe).‖ Even after the election, the group continued to promote Obama‘s policies. According to the group‘s page, ―Throughout 2009 and 2010, we have also continued to network with each other and organize political action in order to shape the agenda of both the Democratic Party and the President (Aregbe).‖ Another group, Students for Barack Obama, was started in 2006 as an online petition to encourage Obama to run for President in 2008. Now, the group has expanded offline, into what is now ―the official student organization of Obama for America with over seven hundred chapters at schools across the country (Students for Barack Obama). According to the group‘s Facebook page, ―We‘re organizing students to register voters, get out the vote, raise funds, and spread Barack Obama‘s message of hope, action, change (Students for Barack Obama).‖
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Political Liberty in the Social Contract

Political Liberty in the Social Contract

M ATTHEW S IMPSON : P OLITICAL L IBERTY IN THE S OCIAL C ONTRACT concept of right. Two decades ago Richard Tuck remarked, "The thirty years since the war have witnessed a curious phenomenon: the language of human rights plays an increasingly important part in normal political debate, while academic political philosophers find it on the whole an elusive and unnecessary mode of discourse." 1 The situation has changed somewhat in the last twenty years in that a number of serious historical works have been devoted to tracing the development of the modern language of rights; nonetheless, the expansion of historical interest does not imply an expansion of philosophical interest. Even if it did, neither the one nor the other could come near to keeping pace with the spread of liberal terminology into every corner of political discussion in many parts of the world. If this is true of the concept of rights, it is also true of the concept of liberty, which is more significant to the extent that it is necessarily the central notion of any theory of liberalism. The following paper is an investigation into the meaning of political liberty in Jean Jacques Rousseau's political philosophy as presented in the Social Contract. 2 If the topic taken by itself does not possess sufficient interest, one can think of it as a first step towards understanding the most essential concept underlying the pervasive political phenomena of our time.
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DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL & SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL & SOCIAL SCIENCES

The program is also designed to help the highly successful student in the pursuit of graduate work, not only in sociology but in allied fields such as anthropology, criminology, law, education, history, social work, political science, public health, journalism, communications, and public administration. Some students decide to major in sociology as freshmen, while others switch their major to sociology in the midst of their college career. Transfer students are welcomed at whatever stage of their education, but students should remember that the major is designed as a four-year program. After completing SOCI 101, students will need at least two years of study to finish their major as there are several sets of sequence courses. Students minoring in sociology will need at least one year of study to finish their coursework.
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Social Work Science for Racial, Social, and Political Justice

Social Work Science for Racial, Social, and Political Justice

Social Work Science for Racial, Social, and Political Justice” congratulate our Distinguished Career Achievement Award recipient, Dr. Jeffrey M. Jenson, Professor Emeritus, University of Denver. The SSWR Board is honored to recognize the impact of his scholarship. As is always the case, this year’s conference was enriched by suggestions and input from many SSWR members. We are extremely grateful for the support received from social work education and research programs. Acknowledgements and thanks appear on the SSWR website, on signage prominently displayed at the conference, in the conference app, and the printed program. We owe a debt of gratitude for conference planning and logistical support to staffers Jennifer Lewis and DeeJay Garringo, and to Bill Haire and Patty Couch at Travelink. Their constant support and meticulous attention to detail allows SSWR to provide its members with an outstanding conference every year.
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Clan Masdar in Local Political Contestation (Social-Political Capital Role in Political Marketing)

Clan Masdar in Local Political Contestation (Social-Political Capital Role in Political Marketing)

258 Chart 2. ABM Social Capital Source: processed by the author ABM's social capital is in the form of a bureaucratic network that is support by the bureaucratic network. With the influence that was built while serving as regent of Polewali Mandar for two periods and the influence of his younger brother who currently serves as regent of Polewali Mandar as well as the existence of other family members within the Polewali Mandar government so that he could get support from the bureaucracy. Among clan members who occupy strategic positions, Andi Nursami Masdar as Head of the Education and Culture Office of Polewali Mandar Regency, Masri Masdar Head of the Polewali Mandar District Youth and Sports Office. Support from community trust is the support of the lower levels of society as well as support from other strata of society such as the hotel association and national contractor association. Also, the presence of clan members in several organizations influenced the vote acquisition so that ABM was able to get as much support as possible. Among the existence of clan members in the organization namely Andi Ibrahim Masdar as chairman of the board of supervisors of the Palili Student Association (HPMP), Andi Masri Masdar as Chairman of the Polewali Mandar Scout Kwarcab and Hj. Jumria Ibrahim Masdar (ABM's Sister-in-law) as Chairman of the Polewali Mandar Regency PKK Team. While ABM's character was able to win the support of political parties and act as influencers in political marketing strategies it functions as a marketing pass.
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Do Social Media Facilitate Political Learning? Social Media Use for News, Reasoning and Political Knowledge

Do Social Media Facilitate Political Learning? Social Media Use for News, Reasoning and Political Knowledge

The current study finds that blogs and Twitter have a significant association with political issue knowledge, while Facebook and YouTube do not. The finding suggests that blogs and Twitter have greater potential for political information provision than Facebook and YouTube. In oth- er words, certain social media can be more beneficial for citizens to learn politics in part because of their informa- tional features. Although it is also possible that other func- tional features besides informational characteristics can affect the political outcome of social media, this study clearly shows that the informational functionality of social media is important in the process of political knowledge acquisition. The finding also shows that the aggregate treatment of social media does not make much sense and that differentiating each type of social media is recom- mended in political communication research.
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Essays on Social Networks and Political Economy

Essays on Social Networks and Political Economy

In addition, many sincere thanks are due to two other members of my dissertation committee, Matthew Elliott and Matthew Shum. They were upfront in evaluating my research papers so that I was able to improve them in new and better ways. I am very thankful to two senior professors, John Ledyard and Tomas Palfrey, for sharing their wisdom and knowledge on economics and political science. I owe a very important debt to Ben Gillen, Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, Kota Saito, and Omer Tamuz for helpful guidance for job market preparation. I am also pleased to acknowledge a unique opportunity to interact with other professors in the Division of the Humanities and Social Sciences at Caltech. I especially want to thank Laurel Auchampaugh for various support from the beginning to the end of my Ph.D. studies.
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Social and Political Life in Late Antiquity

Social and Political Life in Late Antiquity

to embrace social, economic, and religious aspects of the period, but the weight that these early enquiries placed upon the state and its fate in the 4th and 5th c. is a legacy that yet remains with us today. A. H. M. Jones’s Later Roman Empire remains the most enduring and influential investigation into the political, administrative, and fiscal machinery of the Late Roman state. 1 Jones was himself react- ing against an already existent model of the political system of the age, one that characterised it as ‘The Dominate’, an interpretation which had been reached through a largely uncritical reading of con- temporary legal sources. ‘The Dominate’ was seen as a society con- trolled by a monolithic and totalitarian state, and thus its existence was viewed as the adverse transformation of the idealised ‘enlight- ened’ monarchy that had characterised the early empire. Through the deployment of a broad range of evidence and a determination to produce an all-encompassing study of the era with a wide the- matic scope, Jones was able to introduce nuance to this picture. His conclusions and preoccupations are by now very familiar to scholars of the Late Roman state and administration, although none have remained undisputed: the rise of an institutional clergy as a pivotal factor in the decline of comparable civic bodies; the state’s manip- ulation of hereditary obligations (alongside rising taxation) as body blows to the traditional class of senatorial aristocrats. Jones also touched on the importance of friendship, patronage, and wealth as grease in the cogs of government, although he regarded this situation with some antipathy and viewed its existence as a systemic failure of the administration rather than the normative means by which it operated. Ultimately, although Jones brought about the realisation that ‘The Dominate’ was substantially more socially and adminis- tratively sophisticated than had hitherto been imagined, his own replacement image cast the state in no less a negative light. Although this image continues to persist today, it is clear that some recent strands of scholarship are seeking to depict the state machinery of Late Roman governance without recourse to judgemental or moral- istic disapproval. 2
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