Concerning this subject, Basil Dufallo (2013:5), in reference to the Romans, states that during the 1st century, the Romans had a culture of parading their emperors in public spaces to remind the conquered concerning whose social history pervades the public space. Yet to Dufallo (2013:3), the busts, in addition to parading arrogance of the conqueror, exhibit cultural competition; the need to assert through the ‘passive visual image’, the cultural and aesthetic superiority. Jan Assmann (2000:x) raises a valuable point by saying, in raising our eyes to look at the silent statues, inversely, we idolise and worship them; the statues possess us; inscribing on our minds their superior origin and further tag us as inferior subject – its ‘mnemonic energy’. In this case, the busts across South Africa were not erected, merely, to fill-in empty city spaces, but to spell out identities. Silently, the busts monitor history, reminding the living that they are dead but living through public discourses. In the case of South Africa, the public narrative was to celebrate the Afrikaans and British historiography. The absence of statues depicting black figures may be interpreted as a silent affirmation of the inferiority of the black people who were discursively regarded as recipients of their master’s history. Their inferiority seems, inversely, to be carved out by the presence of the statue; they are the subject who must gaze and internalise the power emitted by the statues.
Statues have a religious value in the society. The construction of statue was begun in the antiquity period primarily for spiritual activities. People have been curving statues as replica of their God/goddess or/and angels for worship. For instance, in most Asian countries, statue of Buddha for Buddhism and statue of Indiana goddess for Hinduism were highly worshipped among the believers. Statues as supportive tool for religious activity began to be used in the ancient civilization of Egypt, Greek, Mesopotamia, Indus valley, and China (Jonson, 1966; Kleesing 2003; Henig et.al, 1983). Statues are still serving as symbol of religion in the modern period. For instance, the statue of Christ the Redeemer which is constructed 1926 – 1931 in Rio de Janeiro is one of iconic statues of Brazil that symbolizes Christianity. Even though statues are erected for the fulfillment of religious practices, the way they serve the religion dogma differ in terms of the kind of religion and the way the worshipping process takes place. For instance, around 15 th C and 16 th C in ancient Greece, worshippers dedicated statues as votive offering called ‘anathemata’ and as decorative materials of religious area. On the other hand, in ancient Roma, statues were curved to represent their gods believing that the statue has guardian spirit that protects their home and family (Kleesing, 2003; and Henig, 1983). Thus, Statues are serving the religious functions in two ways. First, statue is used as symbol that represents the religion. In this regard, they are taken as the replica of their God/ Angle. For instance, the statue of Christ the Redeemer (1926 – 1931) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; the statue of Cristo della Minerva (1512) in Rome, Italy; the Divine Savior of the World monument (1942) in El Salvador; Christ of the Ozarks statue (1966) Arkansas, USA; and the statue of Christ of Vũng Tàu (1993) in Vietnam are some of the statue of Jesus Christ which are serving as symbol of Christianity at different parts of the world. Besides, Tian Tan Buddha Statue (1993) in Hong Kong; Ushiku Daibutsu Buddha statue (1995) located in the city of Ushiku, Japan; Hussain Sagar Buddha Statue (1992) located in the city of Hyderabad, India are the most famous Buddha statues serving as symbol of Buddhism (Hartt, 1989).
most cases. Earlier inscriptions had to be erased (if the base was not turned around), which was usually done by removing the original surface of the epigraphic field. By doing this, stonemasons were able to take advantage of the original moulding of the base, enhancing the appearance of the text. This was only part of the work, however, and usually further adaptations were required to prepare the old piece for its new use. The base of the statue dedicated to the magister militum Aetius in Rome, from around AD 439, is a good example (Fig. 3). The original inscription was carefully removed with a claw chisel, while the moulding that surrounded it was preserved almost in its entirety (although it is now mostly lost). However, the lower part of the moulding had to be cut at the bottom in order to make room for a text that was certainly longer than the original one. 67 Not every stone was treated to
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The statue of unity, apart from being a symbol of nation pride, and the integration is also a tribute to India’s engineering skills and project management abilities. Local tribal belonging near there who are opposed land acquisition for development of tourism infrastructure around the statue. They offered cash and land compensation, and have been provides jobs.
These considerations are evidently the same as those lying behind Stone’s modal dilemma and the moderate monist response is the same. Of course, for their part, pluralists will see no force in Olson’s argument since it is essential to their position that even permanently coincident things can differ in their capacities. So from their point of view it can hardly be ‘surprising’ that merely temporarily coincident things can so differ also. They have already swallowed the camel and need not strain at the gnat. The moderate monist will respond as follows. A house can be made bigger by appropriate building work just as a piece of bronze can be radically reshaped. There is a de dicto modal principle that specifies part of the persistence conditions for houses analogous to the de dicto principle, (5), employed in the explanation of the divergence of the statue and the piece of bronze at t10 in Scenario II. A room cannot be made bigger by the sort of building work in question (it can be made bigger by building work of a different sort, of course). Again this is merely a de dicto modal principle, analogous to the de dicto modal principle, (2), about statues, so there is no more a puzzle about how the house is extended though the room is not than there is about how the piece of bronze undergoes radical reshaping though the statue does not. (Mutatis mutandis, there is no more a puzzle about how Kripke’s plant comes to have a flower as a proper part though the stem does not.)
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England, describes how, since the statue of goalkeeper Sam Bartram was erected at their Valley stadium, ‘every TV feature on Charlton Athletic starts with a shot of the statue… every TV interview takes place in front of it… all the club’s brochures feature an image of the statue’ (Sutherland, 2011). Second, many developers, town planners and architects believe that the installation of public art can improve the perception of the environment surrounding it, and hence aid economic regeneration (Selwood, 1995). This is particularly cogent given that many of the older soccer grounds and the new wave of US ballparks are located within run-down or deprived urban areas. Making the stadium surrounds appear more attractive may remove a psychological barrier to spectator attendance. English soccer in particular has taken dramatic steps to increase the breadth of its supporter base over the past 20 years, with clubs ‘repositioned as a product for middle class and family consumption’ (Edensor and Millington, 2008). In some instances, such environmental improvement can be the catalyst for the regeneration of an entire district; Ramshaw (2005) describes how Baltimore Orioles’ new ballpark anchored the entire Inner Harbour development, as the area was transformed from ‘derelict wasteland to a spectacular urban space’. Where clubs have invested in cheap land, commercial premises and property surrounding their new stadium, this in turn can be extremely profitable. One sculptor interviewed (who wished to remain anonymous) quoted the chairman of an English soccer club whispering to him at a statue unveiling ‘let’s not forget amidst all this that this doubles the real estate value of the land around it’.
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Abstract: Kalmakareh treasure was discovered in 1989 by a local hunter. the Kalmakareh cave, is about 20 km to the northwest of Pol-e Dokhtar, Lurestan Province. The collection is consisted of different metal objects including vessels, rhytons, animal and human figurines, masks, plaques, adornments and etc. The presence of neo-Elamite scripts on some artifacts makes it unickly easy to date. The names on the scripts indicates a close connection to the cultural horizon of Neo- Elamite period. The inscriptions deciphered by Lambert, Vallat and Bashash alongside with archaeological analysis by the author revealed a new unknown local dynasty in Lurestan, concurrent with neo-Elamite period; which opens a new discussion in investigating archaeological issues and art history of this period in western Iran. Discovered objects are mostly made of silver. It is here aimed to introduce, discuss and investigate one of the particular human statue of the mentioned collection. This small statue, which is now in the museum of Falak-Al Aflak castle, was made by casting method and then decorated by chasing. Here we try to recognize the statue's motives, its comparisons and then we will have som further interpretations. Objects are show a local tradition affected by different exotic issues, especially those of Elam and Assyria.
With this setting in mind we are then introduced to the second character in the story which is the romantic Swallow. He is idealistic by nature and realistic at the same time. For though he fell in love with the reed because he had admired her slender waist but he still decided at the end to leave her because he thought that such a relationship is " a ridiculous attachment" because he likes to travel and fly and she is static and cannot move. She is a coquette who flirts with the wind and she does not have a conversation and has no money as well. We get to see more and more character traits of the Swallow. As he flies to the town he wonders if the town has made any preparations for him. He is proud, vainglorious and snobbish expecting the town to celebrate his coming. As he decides to put up between the feet of the statue of the Happy Prince, he sees a drop of water fall from him. He remarks that ‘What is the use of a statue if it cannot keep the rain off? , he said; ‘I must look for a good chimney-pot,’ . A dirty chimney pot is for him more protective than a statue covered with precious stones. The character traits of the Swallow are symbolic of any ordinary average Victorian personality with typical pride, realism, idealism with a typically Victorian lack of appreciation for aesthetic objects preferring a useful chimney to a useless golden statue. The knowledge to appreciate art will gradually transform him. The statue begins to tell his story to the Swallow. He tells him that behind the walls of the palace, he enjoyed all types of pleasures and he was happy if sensual pleasure can be named happiness. When he was a living human the Happy Prince was not able to feel the misery and suffering of the town people as he was too engaged with carnal and sensual desires. He was able to attain some kind of self-denial or altruism only when he assumed an artistic shape. He only knew tears when he became a piece of art. Art has transformative powers capable of changing the soul of the prince into a different more sensible, more altruistic one.
I checked the website of Holy Sepulchre Cemetery, and found that Mr. Popham had died in 1979, but there was no information about his date of birth, so early last summer I drove out to the cemetery, and, with his plot information from the website, found his grave. He had been born in 1925, so he was 40 years old at the time he did the statue, and a young 54 when he died. The news articles about the gift reported that he was a field engineer with Rochester Gas and Electric, so apparently his artistic talents were an avocation. They further report that the statue is made from steel plates which he then fused with an acetylene torch before adding a polyethylene coating; the work took 10 weeks, and weighs 150 pounds.
Abstract : Wayang Beber as an artwork of the original tradition of Pacitan contains local wisdom. Preservation efforts, research, creation of wayang shape development, performances, and other alternative efforts can improve the tourism sector in the Pacitan region. Wayang Beber in this study was used as a source of ideas in the creation of the iconic Pacitan as a city of tourism. This applied research aims to produce design works, artworks in the form of metal-based reliefs and sculptures, and their representations as exterior works. As an alternative chosen Naladerma who refers to Wayang Beber for one of the iconic designs of the Pacitan city of Tourism. The method of creating this work with a hermeneutical approach was carried out using an interactive model. The process of research and creation of craftworks goes through stages: problem identification, planning, design drawings, trials in the form of reliefs and sculptures based on metal craft. Naladerma figures were chosen as an alternative icon that was combined with the gunungan puppet motif and complementary decorative motifs. Materials, equipment, manufacturing processes, the meaning of reliefs and the meaning of the statue of Naladerma will also be explained in more detail.
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The old man notices the weasel’s voice, very angry. He stood up, chased the weasel holding a duster. The weasel jumps between potteries. Many potteries lost balance and fell to the ground, broken into pieces. The wooden shelves holding the statue tilted, slowly the statue fell to the ground. The statue traps the weasel downside just as it tries to slip past it. The old man stands in front of a weasel angrily, listen to the painful whine of the weasel under the statue. The angry expression on the face of old man gradually smooth down. His salute to the statue then leaned over trying to move the statue. But the old man is not strong enough, the statue remain motionless. The old man thinks for a long time, and then walks away. The weasel looked down, stop whining. The shadow of the old man's body fell to the weasel again. Weasel looked up. In the shadow on the wall, we see the old man praying. Then he lay on the statue, got up, turn back his face. Trembling he raised hammer and smashed the statue using all his strength.
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There is a statue of Robert E. Lee in Charlottesville, Virginia’s Emancipation Park that has both extensive and intensive properties. It may weigh about 20,000 kilograms (extensive) and depending on the time of year be about 20 degrees Celsius (intensive). Any object, space, or event shares this fusion of extensive and intensive attributes with Lee’s Statue. Extensive properties are accumulative and extractable. Intensive qualities describe indivisible internal compositions of an object (slicing the statue in half will change its weight, but not its density). The statue also possesses several attributes which resist quantification. It has a justifiable-ness. It has a rebelliousness. Fluctuations in these non-numeric attributes can be measured just as well as temperature, but not with a thermometer. They are measured through protests, rallies, and judicial decrees. Which attributes of an environment one observes or deems worthy of noticing is socio-politically mediated. This article attempts an engagement with the intensive aspects of public spaces and materials, arguing that the increasing neoliberalization of urban surfaces has been catalyzed by a privileging of extensive properties as more worthy of observation. The hope is that the conceptual galvanization within may offer as yet unnoticed approaches to dismantling structurally entrenched social injustices.
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One form of funerary art is Tau-Tau. It is a form of statue or effigy that becomes a symbolic representation of a dead person based on social status. This Tau- Tau can only be seen in Torajan noble communities that live in South Sulawesi province in Indonesia. Culture of making Tau-Tau exists since ancestral traditions. The Tau-Tau not only the symbolic representation, but it has also ritual process and spiritual meanings. This tradition is passed down from one generation to another through the funerary art. .
The Statue Park is owned by the City of Budapest but operated by a contracted private firm in an economic model well known in the West. The private entrepreneurs have established a small gift shop in the park that sells all manner of items. For example, the music that was playing when we entered the park was from a two-CD set entitled Communism’s Greatest Hits, which is available for purchase. Other selections from the CDs include such toe-tappers as “Weave Your Silk, Comrade” and the “Stalin Cantata.” (As an aside, I must point out that these communists were not the only ones with a musical bent. Years ago, I bought an album by the Communist Party of Canada–Marxist Leninist, and I still recall some of the tunes. One was a rather witty ditty about a drunk and spectacleless then Quebec premier Rene Levesque who ran over and killed a man on a Montreal street. The opening line was “Rene Levesque doesn’t wear his specs. Look out everybody!” Another tuneful number was “The Party Is the Most Precious Thing.”)
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Despite of numerous older representation of Tyche, Eutychides work became canonical. Huge measurements of statue, resembling establishement of polis, were intended for open space. A large number of bronze or marble copies, as well as depictions on coins, help to reconstruct how the original looked like. Female figure, personification of Polis, was sitting on the rock, symbolizing Silpius mountain and reflecting the geographical position of city. Right feet was resting on the shoulder of local river Orontes, depicted as male figure. Mural crown, symbol of walls of the city, was the most essential decorative element. Motion of female figure was in contrast to the position of Orontes. Copies and imitation of statue on two-dimenzional medium (coins, glyptics) differed. 21 The Esquiline
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