The War and the Flight from Liberalism

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Capital flight and war

Capital flight and war

6. CONCLUSION I have studied the relationship between inflation and capital flight after war, an hitherto unresearched issue in the literature. I have generated consistent evidence in support of the hypothesis that inflation has an additional positive impact on capital flight flows after war. The evidence has proved robust to four measures of capital flight and several econometric estimation techniques. The evidence suggests that for a typical post-conflict economy, a one percentage point increase in inflation is associated with a 0.005 to 0.01 percentage point of GDP increase in capital flight flows. Relative to the average level of capital flight flows, and the high and sustained inflation rates that some post-conflict economies experience, the total effect could be substantial. The key implication is that low inflation helps to stem and reverse capital flight flows in post-conflict economies. This finding potentially raises a dilemma for post-conflict economies: Low inflation implies the loss of seigniorage revenues. With large financing needs the sacrifice could be poignant, if not unacceptable. The appropriate decision to adopt in such circumstances would depend on the circumstances of the economy such as macroeconomic conditions upon war termination. For high-inflation economies the benefits of reducing inflation could be substantial: Large reductions in capital flight would be realized. For all economies low inflation is generally propitious for economic activity. Thus the reduction in capital flight can be seen as an additional benefit of low inflation after war. The reduction might in turn induce domestic investment, generating tax revenues for the government and offsetting over time the loss of seigniorage revenues that low inflation entails.
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On the Missing Macroeconomics of Social Liberalism: From Physiocrats to Pre-war Chicagoans and Freiburg

On the Missing Macroeconomics of Social Liberalism: From Physiocrats to Pre-war Chicagoans and Freiburg

Abstract Put in terms of the two fundamental theorems of welfare economics, social or welfare liberalism is being defined as the tenet criticizing classical liberalism for neglecting the second theorem, having nothing to say about the “liberalism” of macroeconomic policymaking. This note claims that the macroeconomic dimension of social liberalism is the one advanced by pre-war, Old Chicago, which, based on the quantity theory of money, was maintaining (i) that it abides by laissez-faire but against classical liberalism’s laissez faire of “let the cycle run its course”, and given (ii) that Old Chicago was seeing government intervention necessary for income-redistribution reasons, too. Which of the two liberalisms holds the true version of laissez faire? Going back to the Physiocrats who had coined the term, one realizes that they had done so from the welfare liberalist point of view abstracting from the macro-monetary issues raised of Jean Bodin separately. This abstraction continues until today neglecting the “fact” that what Old Chicago had really done was to integrate into social liberalism the quantity-theory-of-money macro-monetary considerations having started with Bodin. The German “experiment” with the Freiburg-School-inspired Soziale
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On the Missing Macroeconomics of Social Liberalism: From Physiocrats to Pre war Chicagoans and Freiburg

On the Missing Macroeconomics of Social Liberalism: From Physiocrats to Pre war Chicagoans and Freiburg

2007, Mintz 2009), and it is time to amend the concept for this shortcoming. To do so, social liberalism should be contemplated as an economic system rather than as policy interventions to a classical liberal regime. And, on this, one basic lesson from the post- war German experience of trying to apply it in practice has to be stressed. The system of Soziale Marktwirtschaft, i.e. of the post-war Social Market German Economy, rest theoretically as an economic system upon the Freiburg School, and identifying its political philosophy with Ordoliberalism, was supposed to be in the spirit of social liberalism. Indeed, this is what Old Chicagoans would have abided with microeconomically under the circumstances that had produced this German model. 2 Going over Goldschmidt (2004) and Goldschmidt and Wohlgemuth (2008), one is struck by similarities in thought that induce one to claim that the Freiburg School echoes the American pre-war Chicago School up to the point of “rules”, as we shall see soon, and pre-war Chicago echoes the German Freiburg School stripped of the socialist overtones by some of its members. For example, according to Müller-Armack (1978, 327f): “Unlike the advocates of Classical Liberalism, we know that the machinery of competition has certain deficiencies caused by imperfect markets, oligopolies and monopolies. ... Above all, the competitive order requires legal safeguards making sure that the market parties do not destroy it by pushing it into an anti-market direction. ... [Also, w]e know today that the market economy does not sufficiently satisfy certain requirements of social conciliation and security. We should, therefore, strive to build in appropriate stabilizers.” This connotes Knight! And, as Röpke (1979, 157) 3 adds , the state’s
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War, Flight, and Exile: Gendered Violence among Refugee Women from Post Yugoslav States

War, Flight, and Exile: Gendered Violence among Refugee Women from Post Yugoslav States

The manipulation and misinterpretation of the needs of those in exile are common characteristics of the refugee situation in many counties. Harrell-Bond (1986) points to problems of power related to host governments that speak for refugees and their rights, rather than allowing them to speak for themselves. This pattern experienced by refugees around the world, has been aggravated in the context of the post-Yugoslav states, where developed democratic political procedures were lacking even before the recent conflict. The situation regarding the rights of refugee women is problematic because most of them are not socially accustomed to participating in the public political realm. Consequently, most of them lack the skills to articulate their demands in terms of their individual, social and political rights. The major features of their identity, as women, remain their roles as mothers, wives, caregivers and providers for their families. In the following sections I discuss these aspects of their identity in the context of their lives changed by war and flight.
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Liberalism and the War on Terrorism

Liberalism and the War on Terrorism

The events of September 11 focused minds around the world in a dreadful way. Suddenly, terrorism, which has always been ghastly, seemed immensely powerful. The whole world seemed to stop in its tracks, stunned by the audacity, the dam- age, the anger that the events of the day represented. The gov- ernment of the most powerful country in the world seemed bewildered—almost unhinged—by the attack. Within hours, the Bush administration concentrated its attention on military responses. The U.S. government’s construction of the attack not as a crime but an act of war met very little opposition, at least among Americans, and it justified a massive military effort, first against Afghanistan and then, less directly, in Iraq.
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A Comparison of Neorealism, Liberalism, and Constructivism in Analysing Cyber War

A Comparison of Neorealism, Liberalism, and Constructivism in Analysing Cyber War

other units, such as organizations, individuals, and social movement groups need to be recognised. Liberalists view war as most likely to occur between militaristic and undemocratic governments pursuing their interests and extending their powers. 31 Burchill argues that war is a way for the governments to increase their control over citizens, and raise taxes. 32 On the other hand, democratic countries have little interest in conflict with each other. Rawls claims that liberal democracies are less likely to engage in war, unless they need to defend themselves, or do so to protect human rights or vulnerable liberal states. 33 For example, in 1998, the U.S joined a humanitarian intervention during the Kosovo war. At the time, the U.S and NATO used cyberattacks as one of their war strategies. U.S hackers hacked Serbian air defence systems, and spied on the email accounts of Serbian elites. 34
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Liberalism

Liberalism

1.DEFINITION OF LIBERALISM Liberals appear at the end of the cold war and growing or acceptable in their application. liberalism brought great progress in the political culture and humanity. interpret constitutional and economic liberalism that aspires to democracy in which there is free enterprise and trade. high values of liberalism is individual freedom. any authority including negaratidak may impede this freedom.

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Unparadoxical Liberalism

Unparadoxical Liberalism

Shall we, then, as practitioners of freedom, listen to ideas which, being opposed to our own, might destroy confidence in our form of government? Shall we give a hearing to those who hate and despise freedom, to those who, if they had the power, would destroy our institutions? Certainly, yes! Our action must be guided, not by their principles, but by ours. We listen, not because they desire to speak, but because we need to hear. If there are arguments against our theory of government, our policies in war or in peace, we the citizens, the rulers, must hear and consider them for ourselves. 62
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Liberalism not neo-liberalism: comment on Will Kymlicka's article "Solidarity in diverse societies"

Liberalism not neo-liberalism: comment on Will Kymlicka's article "Solidarity in diverse societies"

Why should we want to? The story of nationalism, overall, is hardly an edifying one. And leaving aside the disasters of colonialism, war and totalitarianism of the last two centuries, the nation building projects of liberal democracies can hardly be read as uniquely progressive philosophies. Yes, national welfare states are about membership and rights, and not just charity towards strangers; but at the same time, from Bismarck to Foucault, the history of welfare states – and a fortiori – national citizenship has also been all about disciplining and bounding populations: classifying and controlling members and aliens in order to determine who gets “ club ” benefits and who does not. It is unclear that any kind of strong solidaristic defence of the welfare state can do without such nationalist chauvinism—the agonies of contemporary Danish politics are a good illustration.
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Letting go of Neo-Liberalism (with some help from Michel Foucault)

Letting go of Neo-Liberalism (with some help from Michel Foucault)

Having established the general parameters of what liberalism looks like in terms of an art of governmental practice, and how it acquired momentum from the mid-18 th century through the fields of political economy and public law, as well as the discourse of human rights, Foucault then turns to the 20 th century and the rise of neo-liberalism. He emphasises that he is not developing a general history of liberalism, and that this allows him the indulgence of largely bypassing the development of 19 th century liberalism (Guala, 2006). Nonetheless, this history exists as important background knowledge, since his two historical case studies of neoliberal thought and its application in governmental practice – the German ordoliberalism of the 1930s and 1940s and the applied neo- classical economics of the Chicago School in the United States – develop in opposition to a form of liberal government that was at its peak in the period immediately after World War II. This form of liberal government, which was associated with political forms as diverse at the Attlee Labour government in Britain, the Democratic Party administrations of Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy and Johnson in the United States, and with Gaullism in France, had the following features:
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Liberalism, Islam and the idea of Mankind

Liberalism, Islam and the idea of Mankind

elaborated on a victory of liberalism over traditional Monarchism, Fascism and Marxism as the “End of History” and the final form of mankinds ideological evolution, while the Universalization of western liberal democracy was suggested by him as the final form of human ideological evolution. He explained that Nirvana, perfection in mankinds socio-economic affairs is achievable only by accepting the triumphant liberal creeds. He however stopped short of explaining an interstate relationship, but Bernard Lewis writing at the time of the disintegration of the USSR economy predicted a clash of civilizations, though his predicted was unpopular and did not receive popularity at that time. Notwithstanding this, the idea of a clash of civilizations (Liberalism versus Islam) gained popularity when Huntington asserted that Islam is unable to co-exist with progress, modernization, democracy, human freedom, economic development, technological change, gender equality, free markets, the separation of religion and state, and further suggested that the war between the liberal West and Islam is unavoidable (Hunter, 1998).
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Liberalism, Islam and the idea of Mankind

Liberalism, Islam and the idea of Mankind

philosophy 5 , neoliberalism encourages a fundamental reduction in the power of the state and the formation of society mainly regulated by the market fundamentals. The sole purpose of the state in neoliberal society is to protect individual freedom and implement strong property rights. Neoliberalism received worldwide attention and legitimization specifically after the collapse of Marxism as an ideology in USSR 6 in1989, and the triumph in the war over Iraq in 1991. It was even claimed that a systematic alternative to the triumphant liberal creed are not only exhausted but discredited as well. It was also suggested that these triumphant liberal creeds should be implemented in developing countries as well. On ideological front Fukuyama 7 even declared neoliberalism as the end of history and final form of mankind ideological evolution. He
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From Political Liberalism to Para-Liberalism: Epistemological Pluralism, Cognitive Liberalism & Authentic Choice

From Political Liberalism to Para-Liberalism: Epistemological Pluralism, Cognitive Liberalism & Authentic Choice

these societies “hierarchical” may even be somewhat misleading and/or reductive—it may be more accurate to say they utilize notions of equality, respect, justice, etc. which are incompatible with those Nussbaum is relying upon. In this light, the Kantian notions of “equality” and “respect” (and especially their conjunction, “equal respect”) seem like extremely controversial premises to serve as the foundation for political liberalism. Ultimately, Nussbaum’s vision may be more parochial than that of Rawls: beyond excluding many traditional social arrangements preferred by overwhelming majorities across much of the world, even the apparently innocuous views of her liberal colleagues could be construed as ethically unreasonable. Accordingly, Nussbaum’s model fails to meet its own criteria of success: achieving greater inclusivity via a more finessed application of the method of avoidance. That said, it may be possible to salvage her project of reforming Rawlsian political liberalism by turning to, of all people, Rawls.
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Liberalism and Newliberalism : Liberalism in Indonesia

Liberalism and Newliberalism : Liberalism in Indonesia

Abstract The Indonesian state is authentically a country that is abundant in terms of its natural resources (SDA). The islands from Sabang to Marauke are lined with abundant and varied wealth. Starting from gold, silver, spices and so on. However, the poor state of Indonesia at this time then raises a question mark, why are Indonesia's natural resource assets which spill over cannot support the benefit of the country, instead being followed by bitterness? This problem is very complex and must be searched for causes and solutions found. The goal is so that the Indonesian state does not go bankrupt and become a country that runs aground. Indonesia is entangled in the wave of globalization which is pulling slowly into the valley of destruction.
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Forced to be free: from liberalism to nationalism

Forced to be free: from liberalism to nationalism

process of mutual, reciprocal and ritual recognition, they do not act as advocates of particular comprehensive doctrines, but only as citizens. This is what Rawls labels as ‘political’: on the political level, there are only citizens, there are no ‘comprehensive doctrines’ nor are there their advocates: as persons possibly endorsing such doctrines, they are simply bypassed. 302 Rawls claims that liberalism “tries to show both that a plurality of conceptions of the good is desirable and how a regime of liberty can accommodate this plurality so as to achieve the many benefits of human diversity”. 303 However, the point is that in liberal society citizens never actually discus, and refrain from referring to, the diversity of their conceptions of the good: they only ritually endorse their common good, namely, that they are all, and that they recognise one another as, ‘free and equal’ citizens. 304 Citizens reach a consensus without their personal doctrines overlapping. They simply reach a consensus on their very membership in such a consensual enterprise which they in non-Rawlsian terms prefer to call ‘the nation’, and their respective comprehensive doctrines are actually not part of it. This consensus is made of citizens themselves, not of their respective comprehensive doctrines. As such, it is inherently stable, consisting of the same, mutually and reciprocally recognising parts. Their perpetual, ritual mutual recognition as ‘free and equal’ members of the same ‘nation’ is what brings it stability, unity, and homogeneity. Within the discourse of ‘nation’ and citizenship, there is no place for destructive quarrels over diverging ‘comprehensive doctrines’, there is only a place for the permanent active consensus on each citizen’s participation in that discourse, through which citizens perpetually, ritually affirm one another as ‘free and equal’, without ever bothering with their respective religious, philosophical, and moral doctrines. This is the great invention of the age of liberalism and nationalism: no genuine conflicts over doctrines, only genuine conflicts over membership, over
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Korean Economy: From Protectionism to Liberalism

Korean Economy: From Protectionism to Liberalism

Liberalization of Inward Foreign Investment Korea, as an economy which promoted export growth since the 1960s, had high levels of restriction on foreign investments in the early development stage, particularly during Park Chung Hee’s administration. In 1961, there was only one FDI project permitted by the government, which increased to 50 projects in 1970 and 55 in 1982. 12 From 1961 to 1984, the number of yearly FDI approval projects was typically less than one hundred. Protectionist policy was dominant in the nation state development policy. Korean local firms’ growth was given top priority, with strict import policies and FDI restrictions. Foreign investment climate was slightly improved from the middle of 1980s following the country leadership change. By 1980, foundation for the Heavy and Chemical Industry was created and the government shifted focus to improve national competitiveness through the creation of open economy. Chung Doo Hwan’s administration, a young government which elected politicians mostly less than 50 years old, started economic liberalization measures from early 1980s. Some Korean policymakers became more vocal in support of the desirability of introducing more competition into domestic markets, as a way to gain the benefits of greater openness predicted by economic theory. Protectionist policy was reduced both to import restrictions as well as in FDI policy. In 1985, the “positive list” (allowing FDI in specific sectors) was replaced by “negative list” (allowing FDI in all sector except where specifically prohibited), which led to substantial increased number of industries open to FDI.
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Liberalism, Advanced Liberalism, and the Governmental Policy Challenge in Education

Liberalism, Advanced Liberalism, and the Governmental Policy Challenge in Education

Liberal governance regulates populations through what has come to be known as bio-politics. Bio-politics can be understood as the application and impact of political power on all elements of human life. Self-governed individuals, then, exercise individual freedoms and at the same time further the security of the social in a tension sponsoring larger economic and social goals. Individual actions carry with them the potential for accommodation, social consequences that can either positively or negatively affect state lead (or sponsored) goals or initiatives. The welfare state incorporates such a tension as governments, and an accompanying series of agencies and organizations, endeavour to maintain the relative security and prosperity of affected populations. In addressing contradictions and difficulties as they occur, contrived agencies and measures are then set in motion to combat or mitigate against failure. Thus, interventions like unemployment insurance, health care, and public education place limits upon individual conduct with the intention of avoiding the off-putting consequences of choice. Arguably, such measures are well within the purview of the liberal state apparatus acting in the greater interest of its constituency. Here specified mentalities and techniques combine to separate liberal forms of governance from other forms of organization and governance. However, liberal societies can and do reference varying technologies in meeting generalizable objectives.
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Neo-liberalism is dead! Long live neo-liberalism!

Neo-liberalism is dead! Long live neo-liberalism!

Just as it was in relation to an idea of the common good that Hayek sought to liberate economic action from tyrannical privilege, so too the work of his successors – Ronald Coase in particular – sought to further prioritise economic description above political prescription. Within Coase’s work, according to the book’s second and third chapters, Hayek’s idealised account of economic actors competing with one another on an equal footing is replaced by a situation where the actions of large actors are frequently – though not necessarily – prioritised. Neoliberalism’s account of the common good thereby transforms from an ideology which sought to generalise competitive relationships to one which prioritises institutional efficiency. The Coasian paradigm, in other words, is also grounded in an account of the common good. The preference for institutions and firms (i.e. corporations) is not a return to the allegedly arbitrary despotism of the centrally planned economies previously derided by Hayek and Mises. It is rather an attempt to replace the politically-idealist belief that horizontal competition is good in itself with the legally-realistic notion that economics provides a neutral/objective foundation for anti-trust adjudication. ‘Efficiency’, in other words ‘became a proxy for “justice”’ [83]. And it is in telling the story of how neoliberalism infiltrated the courts, especially with respect to his concept of ‘actually existing neoliberalism’, that Davies’s book already pays out on the wager it had earlier asked us to make:
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Liberalism and Tolerance

Liberalism and Tolerance

If we take modern conservatives at their word that they want liberalism to succeed as much as liberals do, the dispute between them is prudential, not theoretical. Conservatives are deeply impressed by the frailty of liberal institutions, while liberals are deeply impressed by their durability. Justice Robert Jackson wrote in his dissenting opinion in Terminiello v. Chicago that “a little practical wisdom” was needed to prevent the Bill of Rights from becoming “a suicide pact.” 54 Five Supreme Court justices ruled that Chicago’s breach-of-the-peace ordinance violated Arthur Terminiello’s right to free speech, even though his inflammatory remarks did indeed catalyze a public disturbance. They did not, we may safely assume, think the Constitution is or should be a suicide pact. Rather, they concluded that letting Terminiello speak without the city’s interference was a lesser threat to liberty and public order than curtailing his right to speak.
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Authoritarian Liberalism : From Schmitt via Ordoliberalism to the Euro

Authoritarian Liberalism : From Schmitt via Ordoliberalism to the Euro

They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws.. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and[r]

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