Title IX and Girls' Sports

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Title IX and the Evolution of High School Sports

Title IX and the Evolution of High School Sports

http://bpp.wharton.upenn.edu/betseys/index.asp Abstract The passage of Title IX, the 1972 Education Amendments to the Civil Rights Act, expanded high school athletic opportunities to include girls, revolutionizing mass sports participation in the United States. This paper analyzes high school athletic participation in the United States and how sports offerings for boys and girls changed subsequent to the passage of this legislation. Girlssports participation rose dramatically both following the enactment of Title IX and subsequent to enhancements to its enforcement. Approximately half of all girls currently participate in sports during high school; however, there remains a substantial gap between girls and boys participation in many states. States‘ average education level and social attitudes
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Not Second-Class: Title IX, Equity, and Girls’ High School Sports

Not Second-Class: Title IX, Equity, and Girls’ High School Sports

Recruiting benefits: Each athletic coach was responsible for recruiting eligible players from the student population. This is common practice in most if not all secondary schools. However, unlike the boys’ teams, coaches for girlssports teams were often hired shortly before the start of the season and therefore had little time to recruit players. The Athletic Director regularly went to feeder middle schools to talk about boys’ athletic programs, but not girls’ teams. The district presented no evidence that the recruitment practices had changed since 2009. The court found significant disparities in female athletic recruitment, stating “female athletes … are denied opportunities and benefits that male athletes have and these opportunities are not negligible.”
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Effects of Title IX and Sports Participation on Girls' Physical Activity and Weight

Effects of Title IX and Sports Participation on Girls' Physical Activity and Weight

Nevertheless, given the large increase in girlssports participation that occurred subsequent to passage of Title IX and which more or less ended at the time of mandated compliance in 1978, it is difficult to argue that the law had no effect on girlssports participation, and evidence suggests that it had a substantial effect. Again, Gavora (2002), a strong critic of Title IX, concludes that Title IX clearly intensified the upward trend in girlssports participation. Data on girlssports participation prior to 1970 is sparse, but the information that does exist indicates a significant break in the trend line after passage of Title IX (Riley 1976; Staffo 1980). Further, there is abundant evidence that school administrators responsible for sports were cognizant of the burden of Title IX and responded accordingly (Pottker and Fishel 1976; Riley 1976; Staffo 1980; American Friends Service Committee 1977). In fact, the Department of Health Education and Welfare (HEW) worked with the American Association of School Administrators and sponsored many regional and area conferences on compliance with Title IX (Riley 1976; American Friends Service Committee 1977; Craig 1977). And Gavora (2002) reports that the Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) was “flooded” with complaints from school administrators struggling to comply with Title IX regulations issued in 1975.
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Title IX and the Evolution of High School Sports

Title IX and the Evolution of High School Sports

The passage of Title IX, the 1972 Education Amendments to the Civil Rights Act, expanded high school athletic opportunities to include girls, revolutionizing mass sports participation in the United States. This paper analyzes high school athletic participation in the United States and how sports offerings for boys and girls changed subsequent to the passage of this legislation. Girlssports participation rose dramatically both following the enactment of Title IX and subsequent to enhancements to its enforcement. Approximately half of all girls currently participate in sports during high school; however, there remains a substantial gap between girls and boys participation in many states. States’ average education level and social attitudes regarding Title IX and women’s rights are correlated with this remaining gender gap. Examining individual high school students, sports participation is seen more frequently among those with a privileged background: white students with married, wealthy, educated parents are more likely to play sports. This finding points to an overlooked fact—while Title IX benefited girls by increasing the opportunity to play sports, these benefits were disproportionately reaped by those at the top of the income distribution.
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Collegiate Athletic Opportunities For Women Under Title IX Raises The Proportionality Concern For Mens Sports

Collegiate Athletic Opportunities For Women Under Title IX Raises The Proportionality Concern For Mens Sports

Much criticism is made of the proportionality requirement imprinted in Title IX, because it interferes with Title VII’s mandate of equal protection between classes. In this instance, it is the class of boys and girls or males and females. This paper examines proportionality concerns for men and women student athletes. Women’s sports at the college level are put in the model of careers-open-to-talents, where men and women compete for jobs that are awarded based on relevant talents and abilities. Proportionality is simply a one-man (person), one vote principle that guarantees female students proportional varsity athletic positions even when they have lower levels of athletic interest and ability than do male students. 2 The issue is whether Title IX funding in intercollegiate athletic programs should be based on proportionality or varsity athletics qualifiers looking at the percentage of students in the qualified applicant pool. 3
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FOR MANY, TITLE IX IS

FOR MANY, TITLE IX IS

On April 20, 2010, the Department of Educa- tion issued a new policy document revoking the harmful 2005 Additional Clarification that weakened schools’ obligations under Title IX to provide women and girls with equal athletic opportunities. The 2005 Clarification created a major compliance loophole by eliminating the requirement (under part three of the three-part test) for schools to look broadly and proactively at whether they are satisfying female students’ interests in sports. Instead, the 2005 policy allowed schools to show that they were fully meeting their female students’ interests in sports simply by sending an email survey to all female students and assuming that a failure to respond indicated a lack of interest.
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The post title IX portrayal of female athletes in the media

The post title IX portrayal of female athletes in the media

   Following  the  enactment  of  Title  IX,  a  majority  of  athletic  administrators  and   prominent  figures  in  the  NCAA  argued  that  inequalities  between  men’s  and  women’s   programs  weren’t  simply  the  result  of  long  term  discrimination;  rather  they  were  the  result   of  longstanding  societal  factors  that  characterized  women  as  being  less  intrigued  by  sports   when  compared  to  their  male  counterparts.    In  response  to  these  inaccurate  statements,   Donna  Lopiano  (1989)  of  the  Women’s  Sports  Foundation  said,  “I’m  asked  all  the  time   whether  the  interests  and  abilities  of  women  are  met.  There’s  never  been  a  question  of   enough  interest.  If  you  build  it  they  will  come”  (Ware,  2007:  7).  The  lack  of  apparent   interest  in  women’s  sports  was  a  result  of  the  lack  of  opportunities  presented  to  women,   not  to  be  confused  with  a  lack  of  desire  to  play.  Females  wanted  to  compete:  however,  long   standing  societal  traditions  rooted  in  femininity  pushed  them  towards  the  sideline.  Women   continued  to  battle  this  tension  between  athletic  competition  and  femininity  associated   with  negative  stereotypes  of  females  in  sport.  The  phrase,  “nice  girls  don’t  sweat”  carried   the  connotation  that  to  conform  to  the  ideals  of  femininity,  women  needed  to  stay  away   from  the  playing  fields  and  uphold  the  dominant  cultural  standards  of  beauty,  behavior  and   grooming  (Ware,  2007:10).  Despite  these  societal  constraints  present  in  the  late  part  of  the   20 th  century,  Title  IX  continued  to  allow  women’s  sports  to  prosper.  
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Title IX Feminism, Social Justice, and NCAA Reform

Title IX Feminism, Social Justice, and NCAA Reform

Women’s sports could also benefit from a downscaled, right-sized model of athletics, since the present commercial model contributes to a disparity of attention, focus, and favorable treatment to the revenue-potential sports of football and men’s basketball. Reducing the status of athletics overall eliminates that disparity. Moreover, as mentioned above, a downscaled athletic department would redistribute athletic resources from the (expensive) elite varsity model to opportunities at the club and intramural level. Because these opportunities are less expensive, it would be easy to provide more of them in ways that promote interest and athletics among female college students. A participatory model would also create athletic opportunities that are potentially more inclusive of students who have had less access to athletic opportunities prior to attending college – a disadvantage that affects girls more than boys, and Black girls most of all. 60 These obstacles include structural barriers to participation, such as rising costs of interscholastic participation, the prerequisite athletic background attained in expensive, private feeder programs, and the availability of nonworking parents to provide transportation to practices and competitions. As a result, the athlete population currently served by college athletic departments is “elite” in more ways than one. Using Title IX to leverage “leveling up” strategies only seeks to replace male privilege with what we might call “varsity” privilege, a concentration of educational-athletic resources among privileged student-athletes of either sex. Instead, social-justice feminists must object to the concentration of athletic resources, in both women and men’s sports, for the benefit of the metaphorical “1%” of student-athletes who have matriculated schools with well-funded athletic departments and/or come from families with the means to devote resources towards athletics.
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Perspectives of Title IX Pioneers: Equity, Equality and Need

Perspectives of Title IX Pioneers: Equity, Equality and Need

interested in sport. Students in the study were vaguely familiar with the law, and “the word ‘equal’ was used in almost every definition” of Title IX (Hardin & Whiteside, 2009, p. 264). One student affiliated it with equal spending on men’s and women’s sports, and another with equal coverage. All participants were positive about female athletic participation. The authors insisted, “Narrative exchanges about Title IX were driven by shared cultural ideologies about women and gender roles” (Hardin & Whiteside, 2009, p. 267). In this modern era, participants often reflected on the WNBA, calling it “an inferior product to the NBA” and the epitome of failure of women’s sports” (Hardin & Whiteside, 2009, p. 267). Yet, professional sports opportunities for women inspire young girls to develop as athletes in youth sport, high school, and college programs with the goal of becoming professional athletes, such as playing in the WNBA. Negative views of women’s professional sports among these participants convey that even among the younger generation, women’s sports have not achieved the same level of popularity or interest as men’s professional sports.
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The Cost of Gender Equity: Title IX at the University of Oregon

The Cost of Gender Equity: Title IX at the University of Oregon

viewed education as the top priority of a University of Oregon female athlete. The focus on education by coaches of women’s sports was represented at the national level. William Brooke’s thesis, “Assessing the impact of Title IX and other factors on women's intercollegiate athletic programs, 1972-1977: a national study of four-year AIAW institutions,” confirmed this argument. He collected data from 219 schools out of the total 689 AIAW schools at the time. One area he surveyed examined “Male/Female Directors Compared on Philosophy of Athletics.” He provided choices: “Business or entertainment,” “Education,” “Both,” and “Other.” From his results, he concluded, “for 1972-73, the female director-coordinators favored the characterization ‘Education’ by 77.7 percent, while 11.5 percent selected ‘Both.’” 44 Brooke re-
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Sports and Somali Girls: Increasing Participation and Acculturation

Sports and Somali Girls: Increasing Participation and Acculturation

  The  last  category  in  the  theme  of  benefits  is  one  that  recognizes  that  sports   involvement  is  not  just  a  benefit  to  oneself,  but  can  affect  people  and  society  around   them.    There  was  no  specific  question  asked  of  any  interviewees  relevant  to  this   category,  but  it  did  come  up  a  few  times.    One  coach  and  one  athlete  mentioned  this   category.    The  coach  mentioned  that  sports  involvement  helps  non-­‐immigrant   students  learn  about  and  interact  with  the  immigrant  population.    Also,  at  the  school   where  this  coach  works,  sports  involvement  has  eased  tensions  between  groups  of   students  and  has  led  to  acceptance.    Though  the  other  coach  did  not  specifically   mention  this  category,  she  did  bring  up  many  examples  of  how  sports  helps  the   immigrants  such  as  creating  relationships  with  other  students  and  helps  native-­‐ born  Americans  accept  students  who  don’t  speak  English.    This  could  be  viewed  as  a   benefit  to  not  only  the  immigrant,  but  to  others  as  well.    One  athlete  also  recognized   that  her  involvement  in  sports  helped  change  other  people’s  viewpoints  about  her   and  her  culture.    These  findings  are  similar  to  what  Walseth  and  Fasting  (2004)   found  in  their  research  in  Norway  about  Asian  women’s  involvement  in  sports.    As   participation  rates  increased,  the  stereotype  of  Asian  women  as  passive  and  the   Asian  culture  as  patriarchal  has  been  challenged.      
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Coaching Styles for Boys’ and Girls’ Sports Teams

Coaching Styles for Boys’ and Girls’ Sports Teams

coached primarily at the elementary level, focusing on girls’ basketball. She has coached at this level for ten years and has had her teams compete in numerous statewide tournaments. Benjamin Swick has coached high school girls’ soccer as well as middle school boys’ and girls’ soccer. He played high school soccer for four years and, as a recent graduate of the University of Dayton, was able to draw from both player and coach perspectives since his playing days were fairly recent. David Thomas has coached more than 70 teams over a period of fourteen years in soccer, volleyball, basketball, and football; he also has been a golf instructor. He has coached girls’ teams, boys’ teams, and coed teams. Most of Thomas’s coaching was focused on middle school athletes, but he also worked with some athletes through high school.
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Title IX and Procedural Fairness: Why Disciplined-Student Litigation Does Not Undermine the Role of Title IX in Campus Sexual Assault

Title IX and Procedural Fairness: Why Disciplined-Student Litigation Does Not Undermine the Role of Title IX in Campus Sexual Assault

poses conditions that obligate the recipients of such funding to comply with requirements that Congress would not necessarily have the power to impose directly. Thus, Title IX essentially operates as a bilateral agreement in which educational institutions voluntarily agree to comply with the statute’s nondiscrimination mandate in exchange for being eligible to partake in fed- eral programs, such as student financial aid, that subsidize their operations. Private plaintiffs, however, are not part of this agreement, so institutions arguably lack notice of the fact that by accepting federal funding from the government, they could be liable to a third party. Out of concern for fair- ness to funding recipients, the Supreme Court has insisted that only their intentional misconduct can give rise to such liability because intentional misconduct—unlike accidents or vicarious liability—is entirely within the institution’s power to prevent and control. 21
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Big Men On Campus: Administrative Response To Title Ix And The Development Of Women\u27s Sports In The Big Ten Conference, 1972-1982

Big Men On Campus: Administrative Response To Title Ix And The Development Of Women\u27s Sports In The Big Ten Conference, 1972-1982

athletics in 1972-1973, it provides a good indication of just how far women’s sports programs had to go to achieve parity with the men. After passage of Title IX, women’s sports advocates used this legislation to push for increased athletic opportunities. At some institutions this meant lodging formal complaints with the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. In August of 1973, Marcia Federbush sent a letter to HEW Secretary Caspar Weinberger accusing the University of Michigan “of maintaining vastly discriminatory athletic policies and practices for females versus males.” 156 In February of 1974, a group at the University of Illinois known as the “Concerned Women Athletes” also sent a letter to HEW, alleging that the university was “in violation of Title IX.” 157 One of the leaders of the group, Mary Pollock, highlighted the specific discrimination faced by female athletes and suggested possible solutions to the issue. She emphasized the extreme financial disparity between men’s and women’s athletics (the women’s budget was 0.58% of the men’s) and lack of equality in equipment, travel, and coaching. In addition to these specific complaints, Pollock attempted to clarify what women meant by “equity” in athletics. In her view, women were not looking to recreate the commercial, win-at-all-costs system that the men had, nor were they trying to compete with men’s teams. Rather, they simply wanted to have equal opportunities and to be treated as serious athletes. She put it best when she noted that “everyone has the spirit and the committment [sic] but no one can bear to make Smith, May 11, 1973, Intercollegiate Athletics, General, 1973, Box 425, Office of the President, Wharton, Clifton R. Papers, UA 2.1.14, MSU-AHC; Ann McCreary to J. Edward Weaver, June 8, 1972, OSU-A, Women’s Athletics (9/e-5a), Box 1, “OSU: Correspondence, January-June 1972;” 1973-1975 Improvement Request for Women’s Sports, March 17, 1972, ibid.; Christine H.B. Grant, et. al. to President Willard L. Boyd, November 2, 1972, Physical Education – Women, 1972-1973, Box 85, Willard “Sandy” Boyd Papers, IA-A.
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Title IX Compliance: A Comparison of Division I Equality

Title IX Compliance: A Comparison of Division I Equality

Determining whether schools meet Title IX through the proportionality requirement should occur through a “flexible, case specific analysis” (Stevens, 2004, p. 174). Substantial proportionality is not defined through set ratios, causing dilemmas when athletic departments are reviewed for compliance with Title IX. The flexibility allowed often permits athletic departments to meet the first part of the three-prong test without meeting the true intent of the law, to provide equality in athletics. If true equality of opportunity existed, substantial proportionality would not be necessary as the proportions of athlete ratios to undergraduate ratios would inherently balance (Simons, 2011). A continuance of disproportionality will ultimately lead to a resurgence of gender roles, the exact opposite of the purpose of Title IX (Simons, 2011). Between 1981-82 and 1998-99, women collegiate athletes rose from 90,000 to 163,000 (Staurowsky, 2003). Yet, in 2000-01, the number of institutions meeting substantial proportionality for participation and scholarships was 79 and 91, or 25 and 28 percent, respectively (Stafford, 2004). Institutions are more likely to meet compliance or be in the process of making progress towards compliance when the institution is large and/or has low percentages of female undergraduates (Stafford, 2004).
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Ghost Athletes: A Subversion of Gender Equity and Violation of Title IX

Ghost Athletes: A Subversion of Gender Equity and Violation of Title IX

“I’m Simone Unwalla. I’m a junior in the College and captain of Penn’s Varsity Women’s Fencing Team. I see our Athletic Administration just left, but I’m here to talk about an issue of Roster Management in Penn Athletics. For those who don’t know, Title IX requires universities to demonstrate that their female athlete count is proportional to overall female enrollment at their university. However, what I’ve found through my experience as an athlete, an experience shared by many female athletes at Penn, is that the administration is consistently utilizing loopholes to artificially inflate the number of athletes on female teams. Of the nine NCAA-sponsored programs with both men’s and women’s teams, six have documented and verified inflation in their female rosters. That is 2/3 of these programs. Whether it’s done by adding placeholders to our rosters or by double counting legitimate athletes onto multiple teams, these techniques directly undermine the spirit of the Title IX and insulate the gender inequity within Penn Athletics.
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Influence of different sports on bone mass in growing girls

Influence of different sports on bone mass in growing girls

The second group with the lowest values of bone mass is the swimming group. In prepubertal girls, a higher BMD in the variable of mean arms was observed, compared with the control group. It might be because they develop more muscle mass in the upper body; therefore, it is related to improve the bone mass (Andreoli et al., 2001 ). In fact, pre- vious studies in boys have demonstrated that lean mass is the best predictor of deposition of bone mass (Faulkner et al., 1993 ). This may be because more developed muscles are able to apply higher forces on bones where they are joined together (Vicente- Rodriguez et al., 2004 ). Results demonstrate that because of water weightlessness, bones obtain fewer stimuli than when someone does sport outside it. For that reason, in sports such as basketball, soccer and handball in which the player must support his own weight, the values of BMC and BMD are higher (Derman et al., 2008 ; González-Aramendi, 2003 ).
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Lessons learned regarding Title IX and sexual misconduct on campus

Lessons learned regarding Title IX and sexual misconduct on campus

Professional, licensed counselors and pastoral counselors who provide mental-health counseling to members of the school community (and including those who act in that role under the supervision of a licensed counselor) are not required to report any information about an incident to the Title IX coordinator without a victim’s permission.

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Students as Targets and Perpetrators of Sexual Harassment: Title IX and Beyond

Students as Targets and Perpetrators of Sexual Harassment: Title IX and Beyond

Student victims of peer harassment seem to have more success in establishing a constitutional violation of equal protection rights than due process rights. Regardless [r]

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20-2 Title IX Sexual Harassment Grievance Procedures.pdf

20-2 Title IX Sexual Harassment Grievance Procedures.pdf

A. Who may file a Title IX Formal Complaint: Although anyone may report sexual harassment, only a complainant or a Title IX Coordinator may file a Title IX Formal Complaint. If a complainant chooses not to file a Formal Complaint, the complainant’s choice to not initiate an investigation will generally be respected, unless the Title IX Coordinator determines that signing a Formal Complaint to initiate an investigation over the wishes of the complainant is not clearly unreasonable in light of the known circumstances. The Title IX Coordinator will take into account concerns articulated by the parties, the best interests of the community, fairness to all concerned, and the District’s legal obligations under applicable state and federal laws. Where the Title IX Coordinator signs the Formal Complaint, the Title IX Coordinator is not a complainant or a party during the grievance process and must comply with the requirement to be free from conflicts or bias.
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