Trade Policy-Making Institutions

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Multilalteralism and the limits of global governance

Multilalteralism and the limits of global governance

The relationship between ideas and institutions, traditionally a concern more of scholars than practitioners, has attracted increasing concern in policy circles over recent years. Nowhere is this more so the case than in the study of the political economy of developing countries generally (see Stone and Maxwell, 2004) and in the relationship between the ‘north’ and ‘south’ in the management of the international trade and finance systems in particular. The growing interest in the G-20, the focus of this conference (and not to be confused with what we might call the G-21 or G-20+ of developing countries) attests to this assertion. 2 It is apparent, however, that making the link between the impact of ideas and institutions on policy is a lot more problematic than was originally posited in some earlier literature, for example pace Hass et al, (1992) on the role of epistemic communities. Part of the difficulty is to do with our understanding of the role of raw ideas in the (early stages of the) policy process on the one hand and exactly what we mean by institutions on the other. This paper side steps the difficulty of the ‘ideas question’ by focussing on what we might more practically call ‘usable social knowledge’ (see Toye, 2004). More specifically still, the paper contains itself to but one example of usable social knowledge, namely what we know about ‘multilateralism’ as a ‘principled institutional form of behaviour’ and how it relates to contemporary global governance.
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Gender Gap is a Trade Trap: The Road Ahead for International Development

Gender Gap is a Trade Trap: The Road Ahead for International Development

Such initiatives are need of the hour because in Pakistan there is an overall lack of awareness regarding the role of gender inequality in education on trade patterns. It is observed that gender economics as a separate subject is virtually absent in economics faculties of Pakistan’s public universities. Though there are some instances of research of gender aspects, it is mostly an individual effort. At departmental level gender studies are virtually non existent. Most graduates enter the job market with out ever studying the role of gender in economic development. So it is no surprise that policy making in Pakistan is also insensitive to gender implication towards development. However the problems at policy making level get even deeper than mere insensitivities towards certain aspects of development. Actually there is a sheer lack of good scientific base for policy making. Government institutions also lack coordination with each other despite deep linkages between their policy objectives. The research on Gender-Trade link aims to fill above mentioned gaps in academia and policy making by specifically providing evidence in a South Asian context thereby making a case for the relevance of gender inequality to Pakistan’s trade discourse. The aim of activities is to bring academic focus to the subject of gender in economics faculties in major
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Mercosur  EU Trade negotiations: ending trade diversion, strengthening trade institutions

Mercosur EU Trade negotiations: ending trade diversion, strengthening trade institutions

In contrast to the big countries in Mercosur, the EU is moving towards more nationalistic and populist policy proposals and the current political environment suggests that this tendency is likely to deepen. A similar degree of arbitrary decision making has taken hold under Mr. Trump in the United States of America [US]; Mr. Trump has threatened to take a number of arbitrary micromanagement actions like increasing barriers for firms relocating abroad where production costs can be minimized. He has already imposed prohibitive immigration flows from several Muslim countries and has threatened to impose trade barriers against countries like China and Mexico, raising risky geopolitical tensions. 5 Some in Europe, like Marie Le Pen, have applauded these proposals. Under these circumstances, the leaders in favor of an open Europe should consider whether a successful negotiation with the Mercosur—which would create one of the biggest FTA in the world—could strengthen their case. The trade institutions of the Mercosur countries (particularly Argentina and Brazil) would also benefit greatly from a successful negotiation with the EU for it would help them lock-in reasonable trade rules.
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Specialist is Needed in Analysing Policy-Making

Specialist is Needed in Analysing Policy-Making

Institutional approaches seek to understand policy-making focusing on both institutions, including not only formal institutions but also ‘informal conventions of political life’, and the impact of these institutions upon individuals and the interaction between these institutions and individuals (Lowndes, 2002). According to John (1999), institutionalists have traditionally argued that paying attention to constitutions, legal systems and government structures is crucial in policy-making analysis because they play a role in division of powers and responsibilities between the state organizations and in determination of rules and norms of behaviour in decision- making so that political life will be manageable (Hall and Taylor, 1996; Hill, 2005). As well as these formal institutions, institutions in the approaches today contain a wide range of ‘institutions’ such as accepted rules, norms, ideologies, culture, routine, conventions which govern trade union behaviour and bank-firm relations (Hall and Taylor, 1996; Kato, 1996). Institutionalists claim that focusing on institutions will discover the aspects of politics which have been under-explored or neglected (Kato, 1996). Similarly, Hall and Taylor (1996) contends that institutional approaches may allow us to more understand political world. Institutional approaches are especially useful when researchers seek to compare policy-making between countries because examining similar policy processes in different institutional contexts can lead to exposure of the distinctive features of formal rules of each country and the values which forms a state tradition (Hill, 2005; John, 1999). Although each school agrees that institutions do matter in policy-making, there have been various kinds of schools within
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Trade Policy Decision-Making in Majoritarian Systems;

Trade Policy Decision-Making in Majoritarian Systems;

Another example of non-tariff protectionism includes assistance policies such as subsidies or industry bailouts. Subsidizing domestic industries is common throughout industrialized countries, and often employed as a tool to offer protection against the threat of international competition. 47 Industries have an incentive to lobby for such protection, out of a desire to maximize their profits. The more an industry stands to lose from increased international competition, for example because of a high degree of asset specificity or relatively low level of productivity, the more likely it is that such an industry will lobby politicians to enact legislation that offers them more protection. 48 In an attempt to shield these industries from the pressure of increasing integration into world markets, governments will often be susceptible to these arguments. 49 Collective action problems are one barrier these industries will face in their attempts to lobby for increased protection. Political institutions are a determinant for how likely industries are to overcome these barriers, and as such, electoral systems can have an impact on the level of non-tariff protectionism through subsidies. The more majoritarian political institutions are, the likelier it becomes that lobbying efforts are successful, since national representatives divided in narrow, geographically organized constituencies have a
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STUDYING IDEAS AND INSTITUTIONS OF POLICY MAKING IN INDIA

STUDYING IDEAS AND INSTITUTIONS OF POLICY MAKING IN INDIA

Democracy, literally, means rule by the people 1 . In a democratic setup, as exists in India, the manner of governing a State, has considerable socio, economic and political implications. Earlier, governance was typically associated with merely institutions of national government. However, governance not only includes institutions of national government, but also local and global governance. Governance is a much more broad-based process and includes a range of organizations, both public and private, and the complex relationships between them. Since the 1980s, ideas of neo-liberalism had scripted the end of the welfare state, an ideology that had enjoyed an eminent position for over forty years. In India, however, such claims were far-fetched, till the time other events and factors propelled it in this direction.
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5228.pdf

5228.pdf

Tonya’s e-mail contained an additional word that stood out - the use of the word “we”. This stood out because of how frequently it was seen in the feedback e-mails sent to the teachers after their coaching sessions. The language showed that I too felt a sense of responsibility, for making sure the teachers knew what they needed to do, once commenting to Gloria, “Let me know if this plan isn't working for you and we'll come up with some other strategies!” (e-mail correspondence, April 8, 2012); for making sure the teachers knew they were not alone and that I was supporting them, “I appreciate you advocating for your kids and we'll do what we can to make sure they don't fall behind! (e-mail correspondence to Haley, April 18, 2012); and for making sure the teachers had the data and reassurance they needed. “I checked with our intervention directors and they agreed with both of us, it's more than fine for M to sound out words so we can hear her rather than try to get her to blend sounds in her head” (e-mail correspondence to Caren, May 10, 2012). There was also a very purposeful effort to let the teachers know that “we” were in it together, even when it came to the professional development as once tentatively stated to the teacher, “Anyway, we may need to share parts of your video during a team meeting - it was that good!” (e-mail correspondence to Nellie, November 22, 2011).
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A Study of Foreign Trade and Review of Trade ...

A Study of Foreign Trade and Review of Trade ...

44 tune with external environment. The Government introduced liberal exchange rate system by allowing convertibility at market rate the set up trading houses to promote exports. EXIM policies were announced to liberalize the trade sector and allow several tax benefits. Five-year EXIM policies of 1992-1997, 1997-2002, 2002-2007 and 2009-2014 made efforts to streamline the liberalized trade sector with an emphasis on export promotion. In fact, the trade reforms were part of outward looking policies with the major aim of export promotion. It is firmly believed that once the export sector takes off and earns sufficiently, it can easily tackle the growing deficits on the external front. The concept of Globalization is considered as an important in the reform structure and is also the trend of growing worldwide interconnectedness. The changing scenario, which is advancing with favorable result, has four fundamental points as its perspectives: (1) there should be on trade barriers in order to permit free flow of goods across national borders, (2) a congenial investment environment in which there is free flow of capital amongst the nations, (3) conditions permitting free flow of technology, and (4) flow of labor (skilled and unskilled) across the national barriers. In fact, the Globalization will create cohesiveness in the world economy through investment, trade, capital flow and off-course the migration of labor internationally.
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The Role of USAID in Development in Egypt

The Role of USAID in Development in Egypt

Egypt’s trade rose from 46.1 to 65.1 as percentage of GDP through the period 2003/2003 to 2006/2007. In Percentage terms Egyptian exports increased by 19.6 percent yearly during the referred period. The analysis of the increase of the exports is important, I mean if the exports cover varied manufacturing industries this of course will be laudable, but regretfully, the exports increase is mainly is due to the increase in liquefied gas from $ 17 million in 2003 to $ 3 billion in 2006, in addition the hydrocarbons accounted for percent of exports in 2006/2007. Other pr oduct’s exports also increased, including pharmaceuticals, textiles, iron and steel constitutes 30 percent of the export increase. As for imports, imports has grown faster than exports. Imports increased by 24.7 percent in 2002/2003-2006/2007. Both the intermediate goods ( such as chemicals, plastics, iron and steel inputs materials) and investments goods ( such as computers and motors) accounts for than half of the imports 13 .
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Europe: regional laboratory for a global polity?

Europe: regional laboratory for a global polity?

Among these complex and dialectical relations, the issue of recognition belongs to the most fundamental. While it is an undeniable fact that the European Union has not been formally and fully recognised as a constituent entity of international society, it is equally true that the issue is much more complicated than that. Despite the lack of formal de jure recognition, the Union is nevertheless playing a prime role in a number of policy areas and in other policy areas a considerable role, thus enjoying de facto recognition across a wide spectrum of activities in the global polity. Were the European Union to become a state like other states in international society then it is likely that recognition would follow immediately. Yet member states of the EU have been very reluctant to give up representation, resulting in several cases of 'mixed competence'. Thus while the United States need not (any more) engage in international recognition politics (concerning itself) - the European Union does. However, most studies of the European Union in world politics neglect issues of recognition or register them without attributing too much importance to them (for exceptions, see Jupille and Caporaso 1996: 214-16; Bretherton and Vogler 1999). In our view this is unfortunate because recognition politics constitutes a key dimension of the EU's presence - and problems - in the global polity.
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Europeanisation at the Urban Level: Local Actors, Institutions and the Dynamics of Multi-Level Interaction

Europeanisation at the Urban Level: Local Actors, Institutions and the Dynamics of Multi-Level Interaction

In the cities of the United Kingdom, Europeanisation takes place against a backdrop of severe domestic institutional constraints. As Radaelli notes, these constraints cannot simply be dismissed, since “the analysis of the effects of European public policy on national policy systems should be conducted in parallel to the investigation of endogenous processes” (2000: 22). Unlike many of their continental counterparts, British local authorities lack constitutional standing, possess relatively few competences, and are subject to a restrictive ultra vires rule which prevents them from taking action outside those responsibilities expressly granted to them by the UK Parliament. Although considered the most powerful British local governments by virtue of their population size and relative importance to the national economy, urban authorities across the United Kingdom have watched their influence decrease as quangos and private firms have taken over many aspects of policy implementation and service delivery over the past twenty years (Skelcher 1998; Davies 1996; Stewart and Stoker 1995). Cities watched helplessly as successive central governments used their power to reform sub-national government repeatedly in 1975, 1986 and 1995. These reforms first created, and then eliminated, upper-tier metropolitan authorities that had significant strategic planning and economic development functions. As a result, central cities were cut off from their suburban hinterlands and forced to develop narrower policies for everything from economic regeneration to European engagement. At the same time, central government reduced the global financial allocation to urban local authorities for regeneration and renewal, forcing cities to compete with each other for a share of an ever-dwindling resource pie (Bailey 1995; Harding et al 1994). The old redistributive Urban Programme became a competitive Single Regeneration Budget, and local councils had to contribute match-funding to regeneration schemes above and beyond their own capabilities (Pierre 1998). Additionally, public-private partnerships became the principal vehicles for regeneration, although the type of partnership envisaged by Thatcherite planners was driven solely by economic considerations rather than the holistic, social motives underpinning EU Structural Fund partnerships (Oatley 1998).
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Credit Risk Management and Performance of Loan Portfolios of Deposit Taking Savings and Credit Co-Operative Societies in Garissa County, Kenya

Credit Risk Management and Performance of Loan Portfolios of Deposit Taking Savings and Credit Co-Operative Societies in Garissa County, Kenya

The Asymmetric Information Theory argues that to distinguish bad borrowers from good borrowers is a tasking job (Auronen, 2003). This may result to moral hazards problem- that is the borrowers directing the funds to other activities and adverse selection problem- selecting bad borrowers. This results to the accumulation of non-performing loans in the books of the SACCOs in Kenya (Bester, 1994; Bofondi & Gobbi, 2003). The ability to interpret three forms of problems facing asymmetry information such as ex ante, interim and ex post predicts the existence and survival of cooperatives in the long run (Uyemura & Deventer, 1993). It is true that the credit management process in the banks follow the process of risk identification, measurement, assessment, monitoring and control. Identification of risks involves identifying potential factors and monitoring the consequences in the identified factors. The identified factors are measured and control depending on the size and the industry the company is operating in and this is applied in the operational and strategic areas of the financial institutions.
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The Policy-Making Branch

The Policy-Making Branch

The legislators elected in November 2000 have fulfilled their pol- icy-making duties in a unique context. The 2000-02 Florida Legisla- ture was the first legislature of the era of term limits. In the 120- member House, we had sixty-three new members: sixty-one “true freshmen” and two members who came to the House after serving in the Florida Senate. The task of House leadership was to educate our new members so that they could fully participate in the policy- making process from day one. The slow process of learning by observ- ing more senior members at work, which served the legislature and the state so well before term limits, was ill-suited to the term limits era.
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Adam Smith's Policy of International Trade: Trade policy in a mercantilist world

Adam Smith's Policy of International Trade: Trade policy in a mercantilist world

One of Adam Smith’s foremost contributions to economic science is his compelling case for free trade. In the paper we do give Smith’s framework for thinking about the economics and politics of international trade in a mercantilist world. A world that is hostile to the competitive market economy or what he called “an obvious and simple system of natural liberty”. For Smith the goal of economic policy of a country was not to increase exports to its colonies and other nations and to limit imports from them, and in this way to end up with a favorable balance of trade. In other words, the goal was not an increase in the amount of precious metal for the sovereign (bullionism). For Smith the goal should be to open up new free-trade markets and to increase competition. International trade not only increases the division of labor, but it decreases also the likelihood of domestic monopolies. In general, trade does increase “the exchangeable value of the annual produce of the land and labor of the country” for everyone. The paper is meant as a historical reconstruction of Smith’s ideas on international trade. The terms,
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Research and Policy Making

Research and Policy Making

A further feature of the Irish policy-making process is the extensive use of ‘expert groups’ operating over relatively short time periods to develop major strategies. While other countries use such groups from time to time, we seem to use them more frequently. What exactly are their roles? Are they intended to generate new ideas in an area, to generate more policy coherence, or develop a wider consensus? What does their regular use imply about expertise within the relevant departments or agencies? And what is the basis for the ‘expertise’ and how do they make use of existing research evidence? 16 In raising these questions, I do so as someone who has spent the past year chairing such a group, which I believe worked hard and produced a good report. Looking across the system, I am puzzled at where these expert groups fit into the policy-making system. In this same context, I think it useful to consider Ireland’s calling on the OECD for external expertise in key areas. When and why do we seek its assistance? Is it because we lack the expertise locally or rather because we have difficulty hearing tough messages – in effect is the OECD’s role to provide an external voice? In Ireland, it seems to me, that
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William Emerson Brock

William Emerson Brock

The United States Trade Representative is a member of the Cabinet, is the President's chief trade adviser·~ and international trade negotiator, and chairs the Cabinet-level Trade Policy [r]

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Trade Politics Ain’t What It Used to Be: The Challenges for EU Policy and Analysis

Trade Politics Ain’t What It Used to Be: The Challenges for EU Policy and Analysis

Agriculture, by contrast, is the exception that demonstrates that wider point. Although there are no clear indications that the agricultural lobby is becoming less protectionist, there have been significant reforms of the common agricultural policy (CAP) in 1992 and 2003 that have permitted trade liberalisation. There are three crucial connects between the CAP and EU trade policy. First, the CAP is first and foremost a policy aimed at domestic policy objectives ranging from ensuring food security to providing a social welfare system for farmers (Rieger 2005). The trade effects of the CAP are a side-effect of those policy objectives. This means that CAP reform is more similar to domestic politics than to trade politics; that external protectionism cannot simply be lowered without jeopardising those other objectives; and that the CAP is subject to powerful path dependence. Second, despite these constraints, trade policy pressures appear to have played an important role in fostering reform (Coleman and Tangermann 1999; Dinan and Camhis 2004; Keeler 1996; Rieger 2005; Swinbank and Daugbjerg 2006; Woolcock 2005b). External pressures have an impact only because other EU actors care about realising the gains from the multilateral trade rounds. Third, the CAP is the tail that wags EU trade policy. The EU’s push for a broad negotiating agenda in the Doha Round was in order to secure benefits in other areas to offset the anticipated political costs associated with concessions on agriculture (Ahnlid 2005; Kerremans 2006; Young
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MAKING SENSE OUT OF U.S. TRADE POLICY OR HIGH-STAKES POKER GAME?

MAKING SENSE OUT OF U.S. TRADE POLICY OR HIGH-STAKES POKER GAME?

At the same time, the USTR downgraded Canada from the Watch List to the Priority Watch List (Graham, 2018). The United States raised concerns relating to poor border enforcement and the lack of customs authority to inspect or detain suspected counterfeit or pirated goods trans- shipped through Canada. The United States also raised concerns about procedures related to protections of pharmaceuticals, inadequate copyright protection, lack of transparency, and the absence of due process regarding the protection of geographical indications. [This re- designation may appear strange to some because at the same time the Report was being issued, the United States was announcing a new bilateral trade agreement with Canada to replace the NAFTA Agreement (Diamond, Liptak, Newton, & Borak, 2018).]
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Free trade agreement between Tunisia and the European union, do institutions matter?: An empirical validation by a gravity model

Free trade agreement between Tunisia and the European union, do institutions matter?: An empirical validation by a gravity model

The institutional environment, in particular, the impact of the legal quality differential between trading partners, is the latest border effects justification. More effective institutions in a country are of low quality, the more risks involved in case of opportunistic behavior are high for partner countries to exchange. Indeed, transaction costs increase because of the uncertainty of the economic environment in general. Therefore, respect for property rights and contract enforcement are key objectives of the framework of formal institutions. This brings us to the concept of governance. However, good governance also requires neutral economic policies. Non adequate policies induce macroeconomic instability. This argument is quite extensible in international trade. If institutions affect the development of trade, this brings a further argument between governance and economic performance. However, if this explanation helps to understand the domestic ties observed in trade between the countries of different levels of development, it seems irrelevant to justify the magnitude of border effects affecting trade countries with a different level of development and institutions quality. Turrini and Van Ypersele (2002) suggest a second explanation based on existing intrinsic differences in legal frameworks and not on quality: They can play even between countries with the some level of development.
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