Most of these studies focus on successful films released in the US market, trying to predict the probability of a film’s success and also whether a film will continue its run the following week. Meanwhile, the current study uses a duration analysis to examine the UKfilmindustry market, considering a wider sample, which includes successful and unsuccessful films, and effects not previously taken into account in the empirical filmindustry literature, such as the cross- subsidisation between large blockbusters and smaller releases from the same distributor, the opportunity cost of keeping a film on screens given the success of the other concurrently shown films, and the impact of word-of-mouth. This paper also considers an alternative methodology to the one used in most of the US studies. The analysis of duration is important in the filmindustry, as the decision of producers and theatres to increase or decrease the length of the run is the most common method of adjusting supply to demand, and these decisions have to be made rapidly given the short life of films on screens. However, the conclusions could be extended to other experience goods markets, such as textiles, DVDs, CDs, or restaurants, i.e. goods whose quality cannot be determined prior to purchase (Nelson, 1970).
professionals has arrived in Beijing to participate in the 4th Beijing International Film Festival and undertake an extensive programme of events and meetings as part of the first major UKfilmindustry mission to China, led by the BFI in partnership with the British Council, China Britain Business Council (CBBC), the British Embassy, the British Council and UK Trade and Investment (UKTI).
In light of this, it is necessary to make a distinction between feature film production in Northern Ireland or Scotland or the South West, which demonstrates numerous connections with the rest of the United Kingdom and the global filmindustry that account for a majority of productions to shoot in these regions; and Northern Irish or Scottish or South West feature film production, which is (to a significant degree) closed, with connections to the global filmindustry that are few in number. From looking at the UK productions and co-productions in Tables 5 and 6 we can see that from 2004 to 2006 South West feature film production comprised only five films, while total UK feature film production in this region totalled 31 films. Similarly, for Scotland in the same time period, we have a total of 43 UK films produced in the region, of which 17 can be classed as ‘Scottish;’ and for Northern Ireland there are 10 UK films produced in the region, but only three can be classed as ‘Northern Irish.’ The results presented here provide a snapshot of feature film production in three UK regions, and the picture that emerges is one of regional production centres that remain dependent upon London as both the major centre of distribution and finance in the British filmindustry and as a gateway to the global industry. Regional film policy has sought to redistribute the production capacity of the UKfilmindustry, but this has not lead to increased autonomy for the regions. Scotland has only a limited number of connections outside the main channel to London; while the autonomy of the South West is even more circumscribed. Northern Ireland, as the only part of the UK to share a border with another nation-state – the Republic of Ireland – and one with which it has string economic and cultural ties is subject to this subordination twice over. The relationships between Northern Ireland, Scotland, and the South West, London, and the global filmindustry are represented in Figure 5.
the UK to develop BS8909 Specification for a sustainability management system for film, launched in May 2011 at the Cannes Film Festival. It provides practical guidelines to help the industry adapt the way it works in the light of climate change. Greeningfilm, a website sponsored by the BFI, describes ways in which the UKfilmindustry can reduce its environmental impact (see Box 4.2). There are many examples of production companies looking to implement more sustainable production practices. For instance Warner Bros. procured external assistance to lower the carbon footprint of Sherlock Holmes: A Game of Shadows, focusing on separating waste produced and reducing the proportion going to landfill. Pinewood and Shepperton have also developed a comprehensive Environmental Policy which has included introducing major recycling facilities to divert large amounts of waste away from landfill. The BFI has begun implementing a sustainability management system on its ‘estate’ (archives, film store, BFI Southbank, BFI Stephen St) and sustainability management has been taken up by a number of sector bodies, such as BAFTA, the Production Guild, the Cinema Exhibitors Association, and some large UKfilm productions. BFI is in the process of adopting a ‘sustainability strategy’ that addresses the sector as a whole, as well as its internal operations. As part of this it convenes a sectorwide sustainability working group to facilitate and encourage the adoption of sustainability management systems. In the future, it will look at pulling together data that demonstrates sector progress toward sustainability.
President of the MCA and CEO of Concerto Partners, comments that 2014 was an improvement on previous years, but that it was hard work. “There are still challenging conversations with both public and private sector clients around the value and intentions of consultants,” he comments. “But delivering client satisfaction on very high profile projects has been an important and successful story in our industry. The public sector in particular is trying to focus less on cost and more on value, which is welcome. However too often this still translates into a high degree of surveillance on projects. This approach not only impacts margins. But it can also undermine partnership working and innovation, which is of course what the client is seeking most. It will take time.”
Finally, there is the role of sales agent and distributors. These ‘gatekeepers’ play a key role in determining the distribution of films in European cinemas. 33% of the UK/European co-productions in our sample had a French or German sales agent, compared with only 12% of UK domestic films (figure 9). Such agents are likely to have better links with distributors on mainland Europe, though may be less well-connected in British market. This may help explain why UK/European films perform better on the Continent than in UK itself. However, to truly answer this question, we need to build upon our statistical evidence base by interviewing some of the key industry players involved in the production and distribution of these films as well as get the perspective of audiences – which will be the next stage our research.
Based on data available in the UIS Data Centre (http://www.uis.unesco.org/datacentre), the diversity of feature films can be analysed by the presence of different linguistic categories, i.e. feature films using one language (monolingual) or a combination of two or more languages (multilingual); a same language may be in more than one category; and ‘other languages’ includes monolingual and/or multilingual films. In 2013, for instance, Armenia produced 28 movies in Armenian, Canada produced 59 movies in English and 34 in French, Chile produced 30 movies in Spanish and one in Italian/English, and France produced 209 movies in French and 61 in ‘other languages’. In these cases, Armenia has one linguistic category while Canada, Chile and France have two linguistic categories each. Additionally, based on these data, Chile has multilingual movies (one feature film), Canada does not have any (they are monolingual movies in English or French), and France may have some (there might be one or more multilingual movies in the ‘other languages’ category). 12
! Klinger’s!1997!work!on!recovering!the!past!in!reception!studies!is! informed!by!Staiger’s!historical!materialistic!approach!and!traces!the! development!of!literary!approaches!and!historical!reception!studies!in!film. Klinger divides contextual factors into the synchronic and the diachronic, under the subdivisions of cinematic practices, intertextual zones and social and historical contexts. Of particular relevance to this study is that cross-cultural reception is listed under both synchronic and diachronic, along with Klinger’s observation that studying the cross-national reception of films (she refers to US films in particular) forces a reevaluation of all the other contextual factors in line with the specificities of the context of the receiving country.
As well as BUDGET, a number of further potential quality signals are used as explanatory variables. A dummy variable STARPOWER was created, indicat- ing the reputation of the leading actor/actress. There are many rankings of Bol- lywood actors and actresses but the TIMES Celebex ranking is often consid- ered the most well respected. The data of 2011 are not available as the ranking was only launched in 2012, Guptal ( 2015 ). Hence, we consider a film to have an actor/actress with star power if they have been in the TIMES Celebex rank- ing at any time during 2012–2015. There are approximately five actors and five actresses in the ranking in any one year, with persistence of actors and actresses in the top five ranking for at least one year and sometimes throughout the period 2012–2015. See Appendix 2 for a list of actors and actresses who are considered to have star power in our analysis. An alternative star power explanatory variable was also created, and rather than a dummy variable, this was a count variable of the number of films that the leading actor/actress had been in during their career, the data taken from www.imdb.com . This is in line with Chang and Ki ( 2005 ) and Fetscherin ( 2010 ) who similarly count the number of films an actor or actress has appeared in as a measure of star power. However, the coefficient on this vari- able was insignificantly different from zero; this also the case when the variable plus the squared variable were used reflecting a possible nonlinear relationship between star power and box office revenues. Hence, the statistical analysis con- tinued using the dummy STARPOWER variable. As a further robustness check, the regression analysis was repeated using an interaction variable STARPOWER
Regarding the relationship between tourism and film, it should be pointed out the “dark side” as well. The fact that a film shows a sad, dark or negative image does not mean that it cannot be an attractive factor in terms of tourism. That is to say, each person, each culture, feels different motivations, so that we feel reactions, stimuli and sensations to characters similar to us, to places that make us live unique experiences or actors who transmit us sensations. Good or bad, sad or happy, everything is relative according to the eye of the beholder. An international example of the impact of a film on tourism is the film ''The impossible'', in Thailand where the natural disaster of the 2004 Tsunami is recreated in the experience of a family. The viewers might see that this is the place where natural disasters may occur more likely than in others. As a result, a destination in which these climatological effects can be produced might reduce tourist visits.
Over the next five years the industry will complete its shift towards serving these mass markets social security needs. We have reviewed our forecasts of the UK life market to reflect the UK Budget 2014, and our best estimates of the impact on clients, distributers, and manufacturers. Exhibit 2 sets out our views on the growth, new business profitability, and cash generation, for the five main open industry business lines. The stand-out opportunity is the pension scheme de-risking or bulk annuity market, which we expect will capture between 25% and 50% of the UK private DB scheme assets of £1,200 BN over the next 20 years. The other enormous opportunity is in building new flexible propositions (which we are currently calling “Retirement Accounts”) to meet client needs across both the retirement accumulation and income life stages.
• Drilling down below the regional level: Counting companies over large areas like regions and nations masks hotspots of games activity at the local level. To account for this, we analyse the geography of the video games industry at a finer level of resolution, the Travel to Work Area (TTWA). TTWAs are ONS–defined geographies that encompass local labour markets, measured using commuting data from the 2001 Census. In the discussion that follows we use the term ‘area’ to refer to TTWAs.
After years of difficulty for the retail industry, how are some of its main players performing now, and how are they perceived, and described, by consumers? This is an industry snapshot of social media sentiment around several high profile retail brands using Crimson Hexagon’s ForSight, a powerful social sentiment
Within the Film & Production &TV Broadcasting industry, HMRC accept that any VAT registration requirement will follow from the status decision made in accordance with these Guidance Notes. This means that individuals will be liable to register and account for VAT if their income exceeds the prescribed limit (or if they elect to register voluntarily) provided that
Because all film budgets we reviewed included amounts for travel, lodging, meals, and entertainment for non-resident production employees (including below-the-line workers), and because the work on most film projects is intensive, requiring long work hours that leave little time for other activities, we follow previous studies in assuming that non-resident wages and salaries generate little additional economic activity in the Commonwealth. As is the case in most other studies, we assume that none of the (above- the-line) wages of those earning $1 million or over is spent in Massachusetts because virtually all their local expenses are typically covered in the production budgets. There is greater uncertainty about what proportion of other non-resident wages and salaries (mostly, but not entirely, below-the-line costs) is spent locally. However, because lodging is provided and meals are catered or otherwise covered by per diems for these non-resident employees, we assume that only 5% of wage and salary payments to non- residents earning less than $1 million per production (which includes a portion of above-the-line employees who are paid high salaries) is spent in the Commonwealth. This assumption implies that after non-resident employees working on Massachusetts film productions have federal, state, and Social Security taxes deducted from their wages, they would spend locally 8%-9% of the disposable income they earn during their short time here. As most consumer spending generally is for housing (33.8%), transportation (17.6%), food (12.6%), pensions (10.2%), health care (5.7%), and entertainment (4.9%) 8 , almost all of which is provided for in the production budgets themselves, our assumed local spending level for non-resident employees is most likely a high-end estimate.
the production, distribution and supply of gas in towns throughout Northern Ireland on Government subsidies for their continued operation, a decision was taken to proceed with the closure of the town gas industry. The final customer was disconnected in 1988, leaving Belfast without a natural gas supply (OFREG 1997). The road to rebuilding the natural gas infrastructure in Northern Ireland began in 1992, when British Gas purchased the 960 MW Ballylumford power station in Northern Ireland with a view to converting it from oil- to gas-firing. As there was no natural gas in Northern Ireland at that time, this objective could only be fulfilled through the construction of an undersea pipeline (OFREG 1997). To fulfil this demand, Premier Transco, built a pipeline from south west Scotland to the Premier Power Station at Ballylumford Northern Ireland 4 . Although the main reason for constructing the Scotland-Northern Ireland pipeline (SNIP) was to provide fuel gas for Ballylumford Power Station, it acted as a catalyst for the development of a downstream natural gas market in Northern Ireland. The capacity of the pipeline allows for the servicing of the power station demand with sufficient additional capacity being available to service the most optimistic forecasts of gas demand in Northern Ireland (OFREG 1997). To facilitate the development of the downstream market, a high pressure transmission pipeline was constructed to transport gas from Ballylumford power station to Torytown, where the distribution network starts.
Efforts to explore the issues surrounding the entry, retention and progression of BMEs (Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE) 2005, CIOB, 2008) and of women (Ellison, 2003, Greed, 2000, Dainty et al, 2000, Gale and Davidson, 2006, Worrall et al, 2008) in the built environment profession is ongoing. Of the ‘untapped resource’ of women (Fielden et al, 2000) that overcome the initial barriers of entry; such as the industry’s poor image and prejudicial training and recruitment barriers, women also face barriers such as existing sexist attitudes and stereotypes that can place limitations on their roles and abilities, while at the same time having to cope with difficulties in their work-life balance. Indeed, for nearly ten years, research has outlined that family friendly policies aid the retention of white collar workers in this sector (Lingard 2000). In this currently restrictive working culture, theorists such as Ellison (2003) are still arguing for the need to introduce improved flexible working practices and opportunities and for promotion and training and this call is still continuing (Worrall et al, 2008). The need to promote expanded levels of equality and diversity in the construction industry sector are ever-more prevalent. This is increasingly the case due to the latest UK governmental policy directives outlined in the Equality Bill (Equalities Office, 2008). This new legislation stipulates that companies will need to introduce greater levels of organisational transparency and of workforce auditing and monitoring, in order to enhance their ability to procure contract work. There has long been the view that changes in the industry’s old fashioned, inflexible and long- hours working environment will lead to improvements in the adversarial organisational culture inherent in the industry (Gale 1992). Such changes, whether spontaneous or led by governmental legislation, could lead to an increased ability to meet future workforce demands (Agapiou et al, 1995).
It is indisputable that there are alternative possibilities to link the alleged predatory behaviour of The Times with modern economic theory. Essentially this analysis uses a static model in order to explain a dynamic phenomenon. In line with standard repeated game analysis and looking at the pricing strategies one may interpret the alleged predatory period as the end of a collusive period in quantities in the standard Green & Porter (1984) type analysis. However perfect observation of retail prices and quantities and the critical heterogeneity between products in this industry may dissuade the analyst from such an attempt.
In this paper, I investigate a case of alleged predatory behaviour in the UK which has received much attention in the 1990s, namely the “price war” in the weekly quality broadsheet newspaper industry . The public discussion of this period has portrayed it exclusively as being a case of presumed predatory pricing. I argue instead that the newspaper industry is a prima facie case for an analysis that should be conducted in terms of the standard Hotelling location model of horizontal product differentiation. The adequacy of this model implies that there is an important non-price dimension to this case which a predator may use as an instrument to adversely affect a potential prey. It thus adds to the recent emphasis on models that investigate product repositioning as a strategic tool (see e.g. Pakes, ) which amounts to what could be called “ spatial pre- dation ”.