The Brune-Joffe criteria does not address the role of international law upon the policy making decision of the UnitedStates in humanitarian intervention. In the case of Rwanda, due to the Genocide Convention, one would expect that the US would have intervened, which did not happen. However, the case of Rwanda does bring up the question of whether the saliency of moral imperative impacts the likelihood of intervention, or whether outside factors can diminish moral imperative for intervention. Likewise, the Brune-Joffe criteria does not address the strength of each of the criteria on the policy creation for or against humanitarian intervention. Would a case of extremely strong national interest and weak moral imperative (such as Afghanistan) have more, less, or equal likelihood of humanitarian intervention as a case of extremely strong moral imperative and weak national interests? After comparing Rwanda to the cases of Somalia and Bosnia, I would venture to answer that national interest plays a stronger role in the likelihood of intervention, however this would need to be tested for statistical significance through a quantitative analysis of humanitarian interventions.
Even though President Trump may have had a crash course on the history of Afghanistan and South Asia, It seems US has completely forgot the frontline role played by Pakistan in the war on terror. It was the outcome of this war that has carried the fury of terrorism to Pakistan, and the whole region. The essential support provided by the Pakistan to the alliance forces against the Taliban seems to have fallen on the side. Trump’s policy on Afghanistan is based on basic ground realities and not on a time-based approach, which also shows Trump’s disposition to stay in Afghanistan for strategic influence. The states in South Asia may observe the policy differently from one another that could intensify the conditions especially between India and Pakistan. on the other hand, it would be good for President Trump to not forget that it is not just American nationalists and soldiers that must be honored, but also the brave soldiers, and civilians - men women and children - in Pakistan that have laid down their lives in a war that was so forcefully imposed on them(Najam R, n.d.).
Looking forward, however, the relationship faces major challenges. The global financial crisis, with its epicenter in the US, may provide an enormous impetus to a shift in global power toward Asia, through direct trade and financial channels, as well as through induced policy changes in the US, regionally, and globally. These developments in turn feed into the increasingly difficult long-term challenges of managing globalization and maintaining the open international economic order which has served American and Asian interests. These challenges are made more difficult by a diplomatic environment in which public disfavor in many countries with US foreign policies including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have damaged America’s capacity to lead (Pew Global Attitudes
Basic tactical choices in front of the UnitedStates. While the concerns linked to troop levels and the quality of armed forces exercises are indisputably imperative; these are appropriately the part Of government. The prospect of U.S. policy in the direction of Afghanistan cannot be in actual facts determine without a nearer assessment of Afghanistan‟s existing and developing Surveillance, political, and economic landscapes—and their effect on U.S. tactical aims. There is a wide harmony among beholders of Afghanistan today that (1) the surveillance status in countryside fields is worsening while the metropolitan regions and their surroundings of transmission stay protected regardless of a mounting Taliban hazard; (2) the political state of affairs at the countrywide level is deprived but moderately steady, although the persistent dishonesty in regulatory associations linger to take an expense on the establishment‟s efficacy and legitimacy; and (3) economic circumstances are challenging—with improvement rates declining as a consequence of the diminished international armed forces height in country—and are improbable to considerably or quickly get better.
from the narrower objective of chasing al- Qaeda and other insurgencies and preventing Afghanistan and (Pakistan) from become safe-havens for them. The approach still pays secondary or less emphasis on the matters of building the Afghan society - its educational infrastructure, improving health- care systems, crafting a viable and sustainable policy for a robust Afghan economy that delivers justice and good governance. On politico-social front, the fragmentation of Afghan society is evident. The re-formation of many groups to deter Taliban gains in many regions of Afghanistan under different ethnic umbrella highlights the fear among the Afghans of insecurity and violence after the coalition forces end its mission on the one hand and the declining level of trust that the Afghans bestowed on ANA or Afghan government to ensure Afghanistan remains safe, secure and long-term peace and stability is maintained on the other hand. These challenges still lure the Ashraf Ghani led new government in Kabul. The present government needs to device a substantive yet concrete plan to mitigate this mosaic of challenges and secure what Afghanistan has created so far.
GDP per capita based on purchasing power parity (PPP). PPP GDP is gross domestic product converted to international dollars using purchasing power parity rates. An international dollar has the same purchasing power over GDP as the U.S. dollar has in the UnitedStates. GDP at purchaser's prices is the sum of gross value added by all resident producers in the economy plus any product taxes and minus any subsidies not included in the value of the products. It is calculated without making deductions for depreciation of fabricated assets or for depletion and degradation of natural resources. Data are in constant 2011 international dollars. Inflation: Inflation as measured by the consumer price index reflects the annual percentage change in the cost to the average consumer of acquiring a basket of goods and services that may be fixed or changed at specified intervals, such as yearly. The Laspeyres formula is
The analysis in this chapter suggests that a great number of Indians now consider that the acquisition of a national nuclear force would be a tremendous boost to their country’s prestige and security. However, for a number of reasons (the great cost of a nuclear weapons programme, the realization that India is not yet in a position to manufacture a sizeable number of fairly sophisticated weapons, and uncertainties about the likely international response to such a move) , the Indian Government has resisted the pressures on it to go nuclear, At the same time, though, Delhi has sought to bring its nuclear industry to the point where any decision to develop nuclear weapons could be put into immediate effect, India’s determination to create and maintain an option on going nuclear has been a major influence in shaping its attitude to arms control. However, it has not been the only determinant of Delhi’s arms control policy. As a developing state, and a member of the "third world", India has joined with others like
we possess the finest military force in the world”, Edelman said, “this global war will not be won without the help of partner nations’ (Edelman 2006: 3; GAO 2006). The Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), which administered the 1206 funding, noted that ‘because threats often emanate from countries with which the US is not at war, the Department must work through these particular countries to address them.’ In 2007, the Section 1206 funding was increased to $300m per year though the authority still required annual renewal (Edelman 2006: 6; DoD 2007: Section 1206). From fiscal years 2006-10 (i.e. October 2005-September 2010) $1.3 billion in Section 1206 funds was spent in thirty-four countries, excluding Afghanistan and Iraq for which there were separate, supplemental appropriations. This included bilateral and multilateral operations across Africa (Chad, Tunisia, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali, Mauritania, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzania, São Tomé and Príncipe, and other countries in the Gulf of Guinea), ‘Greater Europe’ (including Ukraine, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria, Poland, Estonia, and Georgia), Asia Pacific (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia and above all Indonesia and the Philippines), and the Middle East (Lebanon, Pakistan, and Yemen). The top seven recipients of the 1206 funding in this period were Yemen, Pakistan, Lebanon, the
Perhaps the best known example of irregular rendition is that which became the subject of the famous Su- preme Court case of UnitedStates v. Alvarez-Machain, 504 US 655 (1992). In this case, Dr. Alvarez-Machain, a citizen of Mexico was abducted from his office in Mexico in 1990 on the basis of a plan approved by the UnitedStates Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). Dr. Alvarez-Machain was subsequently forced aboard a pri- vate aircraft flown to Texas where he was arrested for his part in the kidnapping and murder of a DEA agent. Upon concluding that DEA agents were involved in the abduction, the US District Court for the Central District of California dismissed the indictment on the premise that it violated the extradition treaty between the UnitedStates and Mexico, and ordered Dr. Alvarez-Machian repatriated. On appeal, the UnitedStates Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit affirmed the ruling of the District Court. However, in a 6-3 decision, the US Supreme Court reversed the Court of Appeals holding that to infer from the treaty that it prohibited all means of gaining the presence of an individual outside of its terms went beyond established precedent and practice. In arriving at the decision, the Court rejected the argument that such abductions undermine the usefulness of extradition trea- ties, and it refused to read general principles of international law weighing against such abductions into the Mexican extradition treaty in particular. The Court held that Dr. Alvarez-Machain’s abduction did not prohibit his trial in a court in the UnitedStates. Essentially, the court’s decision affirmed that there was nothing unlawful about the kidnapping of individuals in foreign jurisdictions to face justice in American courts.
situated after the conduct of hostilities. In his analysis of Dutch participation in civil- military activities with the people and institutions of Afghanistan, Rietjens concluded that the cooperative actions taken by both Dutch and Afghan parties were necessary and successful. However, it required an environment akin to a natural disaster in order for local participation to reach a level of participation that could achieve a measure of self- sustainment. 93 Rietjens described effective civil-military operation as a response to a complex emergency. He believed that the strategy for civil-military cooperation should be developed as if a country were responding to a natural disaster. His theory further suggests that security cooperation activities are an intervention to be used after combat has subsided rather than a developmental peace-keeping strategy implemented before combat ensues. Linking the Dutch military response to the Afghan civil structure and focusing on the cooperative actions between the Dutch and the Afghans kept his case study rooted in the basic activities that define security cooperation and again was based on the misuse of the definition of security cooperation. 94
Government Policy towards Innovation in the United States, Canada, and the European Union as Manifested in Patent, Copyright, and Competition Laws SMU Law Review Volume 57 | Issue 4 Article 2 2004 Gov[.]
In the last decades, a new quasi religion narrative grew in the States, especially in a particular region: San Francisco. This narrative has been characterized as the “Spirit of Silicon Valley”. Sacred references; an extreme trust on the relation between economic prosperity, happiness and technology; ambition; a desire to save the world and to make it a better place; technological innovation; and government complacence; have all combined to engender a new global project which is trying to colonize both the whole world and every sphere of social and individual life.
• Powers specifically assigned to the federal government • Powers reserved to the states by the Tenth Amendment • Powers that are shared by federal and state government • Powers that are forbidden to the federal government • Powers that are forbidden to the sate governments
Symeon Symeonides ‘Choice of Law in the American Courts in 1998’  47 American Journal of Comparative Law 328, 345; see to like effect Symeon Symeonides ‘Choice of Law in the American Courts in 2001’ (2002) 50 American Journal of Comparative Law 1, 61 (ten states continue to apply the law of the place of the wrong approach, with two of these applying a policy exception to avoid it in 2001), Symeon Symeonides ‘Choice of Law in the American Courts in 1996: Tenth Annual Survey’ (1997) 45 American Journal of Comparative Law 447. A leading authority on American choice of law, Weintraub, confirmed swift acceptance of the influential role of policy and interest analysis since cases in the 1950s and 60s: Russell Weintraub Commentary on the Conflict of Laws (3 rd ed, 1986) 315-316. The 1991 Supplement (66) confirms ‘The courts of thirty-five states .. have displaced the place of wrong rule as the sole choice of law rule for torts’. One Australian author has concluded that ‘clearly, the High Court has misconceived any revival of support for the lex loci in the UnitedStates’: Elizabeth James ‘John Pfeiffer Pty Ltd v Rogerson: The Certainty of Federal Choice of Law Rules for Intranational Torts: Limitations, Implications and a Few Complications’  23 Sydney Law Review 145, 158