expenditure (72%). In peri-urban area 70, 68 and 64 per cent of the farmers opined that, crop loss, low price and higher household expenditure were the major reasons for indebtedness, respectively. Similar reasons were also opined by urban farmers. It is interesting to note that low price, crop loss and higher household expenditure occupied the major reasons in all the three transacts. Because of crop loss and low price of the produce the farmers income was reduced there by borrowers could not meet even the family expenditure from the obtained income which resulted in indebtedness of farmers. Higher household expenditure, increased cost of cultivation, expectation of loan waiver were also the reasons which results in indebtedness of farmers. The results of Dhananjaya, 2015 aptly supported the findings of the study. The significant difference in the opinion of indebted farmers across three transacts was found in the reasons such as poverty, crop loss and high rate of interest. These findings are in line with the results of Pratibha and Salawade (2008). More than 60 per cent of the farmers in all the three transacts opined that increased cost of cultivation was also a reason for indebtedness. Table 2: Source wise repayment of credit by farm households across rural urban interface (per cent of loan repaid)
However, the breaking down of supportive reciprocal relations between cities and their hinterlands or, in other words, the dissolution of urban bioregions, tends to aggravate unsustainable patterns of natural resources use and the transference of environmental problems to distant regions. The concept of the ‘urban ecological footprint’ is useful to understand how the relationship between cities and their hinterlands changes over time and the environmental costs associated with these changes. Increasingly through trade and natural flows of ecological goods and services, cities tend to draw on the material resources and ecological productivity of vast and scattered hinterlands. This means that not all environmental changes in the peri-urban interface are necessarily shaped by city-based demands. As cities expand their ecological footprint, appropriating the carrying capacity from distant elsewheres, the picture seems to get more complicated. However, as Ian Douglass (1983) notes, bulky and low value materials required for the physical structure of the urban fabric, such as building materials, are usually drawn from close by, which results in the proliferation of extractive activities of high environmental impact in the PUI, such as claypits, quarries, brick works, sand and gravel pits. The same is true for the deposition of urban wastes. It is too expensive to transport wastes long distances and therefore the peri-urban system adjacent to a city tends to be the prime location for such wastes.
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Abstract. In order to quantify the risks from fire at the wild- land urban interface (WUI), it is important to understand where fires occur and their likelihood of spreading to the WUI. For each of the 999 fires in the Sydney region we cal- culated the distance between the ignition and the WUI, the fire’s weather and wind direction and whether it spread to the WUI. The likelihood of burning the WUI was analysed using binomial regression. Weather and distance interacted such that under mild weather conditions, the model predicted only a 5 % chance that a fire starting > 2.5 km from the inter- face would reach it, whereas when the conditions are extreme the predicted chance remained above 30 % even at distances > 10 km. Fires were more likely to spread to the WUI if the wind was from the west and in the western side of the re- gion. We examined whether the management responses to wildfires are commensurate with risk by comparing the dis- tribution of distance to the WUI of wildfires with roads and prescribed fires. Prescribed fires and roads were concentrated nearer to the WUI than wildfires as a whole, but further away than wildfires that burnt the WUI under extreme weather con- ditions (high risk fires). Overall, 79 % of these high risk fires started within 2 km of the WUI, so there is some argument for concentrating more management effort near the WUI. By substituting climate change scenario weather into the statis- tical model, we predicted a small increase in the risk of fires spreading to the WUI, but the increase will be greater under extreme weather. This approach has a variety of uses, includ- ing mapping fire risk and improving the ability to match fire management responses to the threat from each fire. They also provide a baseline from which a cost-benefit analysis of com- plementary fire management strategies can be conducted.
following CORINE Land Cover classes: agricultural areas (35.1 %) and forest and semi-natural areas (15.2 %) to ar- tificial surfaces (including urban areas) and agricultural ar- eas to forest and semi-natural areas (7.3 %) and vice versa (6.3 %). However, relative net changes were appreciable only for artificial surfaces, which registered a substantial increase in about 50 %, while forest and semi-natural areas stayed almost constant (0.3 %) and agricultural areas slightly de- creased ( − 4.4 %). The spatial distribution of these changes was far from uniform within the territory. Urban sprawl was concentrated in the metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Porto, as well as in the central north and southern coastal areas (region of Algarve). Promoted socioeconomic development within the country, high rural abandonment and large devel- opments to the tourism industry could act as main drivers for the expansion and reconfiguration of urban areas. On the other hand, in the south and interior north regions we ob- served a transition to vegetated land use/land cover types, probably caused by deforestation/afforestation processes and the rural abandonment. The CLC classes mainly affected by these changes were scrub and/or herbaceous vegetation as- sociations, forests and heterogeneous agricultural areas; the increase in artificial surfaces was precisely due to transitions from these types of land cover. The vegetated classes with higher burnt area within the RUI detected in the study pe- riod were the following: transitional woodland–shrub, the three types of forests considered in the CLC inventories and the three sub-levels of heterogeneous agricultural areas. These findings suggest the needs of extending the concept of wildland–urban interface for Portugal to rural–urban inter- face, defined as forest semi-natural plus heterogeneous agri- cultural areas adjacent to artificial surfaces.
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Peri-urban areas are socially dynamic in nature, wherein social forms are constantly created, modified and discarded (Laquinta & Drescher, 2000). They are areas of social compression or intensification where the den- sity of social forms, types and meanings increases, fomenting conflict and resolution (Narain & Nischal, 2007). Significantly, small farmers, informal settlers, industrial entrepreneurs and the urban middle class may all co- exist in the same territory, despite with different and competing interests, practices and perceptions (Fazal, 2013). Similarly and institutionally, the peri-urban interface is complex, since some administrative activities may fall outside the purview of rural and urban governments. Peri-urban dwellers are confronted with both ur- ban and rural laws and institutions, breeding a situation of legal pluralism. Thus, PUI is the transitional setting in which processes of urban growth and development intersect with the pressures for rural preservation (Narain, 2009). There is increasing acknowledgement that rural and urban qualities extend up to the geographic edge of cities and beyond. Associated with this, the planning and policies are based on the recognition of the rural-urban dichotomy.
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Unfortunately, the peri-urban interface is notably lacking in institutions and processes to negotiate the resolution of conflicts and the forging of links needed to manage the environment. Traditional separations of urban and rural territories and urban and non-urban activities have caused this. The division prevails in our way of thinking. Urban management usually treats a town or city as if it were surrounded by a vacuum (as in UNCHS, 1993 for example, or as evidenced in virtually any urban development plan in a developing country). Urbanists’ concerns beyond the city’s edge include little more than the conversion of rural land and the off-loading of urban wastes (for example, Habitat II Global Conference on Access to Land etc, 1996). Rural policy tends to overlook all urban activities but those which service farming and animal husbandry, inadequately addressing the advance of urban impacts and missing new opportunities for resource use which they bring. This division is reinforced by definitions of government ministries, departments, and budget sectors, and by the structures of local government and community action. Moreover, attempts to put town and country development into the same framework can remain theoretical and unconnected to strategy formulation (eg Abramovy and Sachs, 1996). Consequently, it is common for those who propose environmental management which involves the peri-urban interface to find that there is no institution able to bring about implementation of policies. The institutional perspectives, frameworks, and procedures are not there with which to effectively span both town and country interests with a net of negotiation.
The rest of us continue with the chipping operation and work goes on in much the same manner until the chipper brakes down around four in the afternoon. A four-inch wide log has become lodged in the cutting mechanism. The chipper has to be shut down and opened up in order to remove the log. It is not an easy task. Kadie has had to climb up into the chipper and now has two-thirds of his body inside tugging at the log and then beating it with a hammer in an effort to pry it loose, but it is not budging. Chunk suggests that we should use a crowbar but Kadie is getting irritated. From inside the chipper we hear Kadie shout, “Hey, I don’t see your fat ass in here.” Then Kadie jokingly repeats “you know what might work is a crowbar.” Of course we do not have one on the Sup truck or the buggy so we must borrow one from the woman. I am sent back with her to retrieve it from her garage. It is a fortuitous opportunity for me to discuss fuels mitigation and the FIREWISE program with one of the actual wildland-urban interface homeowners with which we normally have little contact. As we walk up the hill towards her house I ask:
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A final contribution of this research is an analysis of the behavior of household risk perceptions in response to the information communicated by a fire event. The role of information in individual assessments of wildfire risk cannot be overstated. Public information campaigns, the news media, and extreme events themselves all convey information that helps form risk perceptions. In the United States, FIREWISE seeks to provide information on wildfire risks and actions that can be taken to mitigate risk to households in the wildland-urban interface. The news media plays a powerful role in the public’s perceptions of risk. The wildfire season in the western United States is typically the summer, when news may be otherwise thin. Scenes of towering flames and burning houses accompanied by emotionally distraught residents are commonplace on national evening news programs from June through August. Finally, residing near a wildfire event, independent of sensational news coverage, can have a profound effect on risk perceptions. Based on the coefficient estimates of the fire-resistant roof, I will show that the perceived risk of property damage increased following the fires. I argue that this is a result of the increased level of information regarding property risk. After some point this risk declined. It is unclear whether decrease was due to a decrease in the information level, or a risk threshold. However the distinction is important because the effectiveness of policy formulations regarding risk education programs will be different under the two scenarios.
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A number of papers have been produced in the context of the research programme to which this paper is a contribution and a few remarks are in order concerning the focus within this research programme on the question of a relevant EPM process. The tendency has been to assume that current urban EPM procedures, including those developed by international and bilateral agencies and more generally ‘Local Agenda 21’ procedures, whilst generally failing to focus much attention on the specific problems of the peri-urban interface, nevertheless provide the only appropriate model for use in the PUI. There has, however, also been an exploration, in one paper 10 , of the relevance of more recent participatory planning processes amongst rural communities (‘rapid rural appraisal’ (RRA), ‘participatory action research’ (PAR), etc.) that is in process of being adapted for use amongst poor urban communities under such titles as ‘Rapid Urban Appraisal’ (RUA) 11 .
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There is a real limitation, however, in that most interventions that might be regarded as explicitly focused on the peri-urban interface take as their starting point a physical definition, such as the ‘urban periphery’, the ‘green belt’ and so on. This is because most development interventions are either initiated or guided largely by one or more government tiers, which are by law obliged to implement their actions within a physical boundary. And although the state no longer possesses the undisputed monopoly in planning urban development that it enjoyed in most countries throughout most of the second half of the twentieth century (Healey, 1997), there is no doubt that it still plays a major role in providing some guidance over spatial development. Another limitation has to do with the fact that when we talk about the peri-urban interface we usually refer to medium-sized and large cities and their surrounding areas or, in other words, metropolitan areas or regions. And, as has been argued by Mattingly (1999b), there are very few cases of metropolitan interventions (and therefore interventions directly or indirectly affecting the peri-urban interface) which might be seen as “pure” cases of metropolitan environmental planning and management. Institutions with an overall responsibility for the environment with a remit that cuts across administrative boundaries are very rare (Dávila and Atkinson, 1999). With few exceptions, most documented environmental interventions in a metropolitan context appear instead to be components of other forms of interventions, most of which take space as their starting point (Atkinson et al., 1999; Adell, 1999; Universities of Nottingham and Liverpool, 1999). This issue also becomes apparent in the present review, where most interventions selected as illustrations have a spatial point of departure.
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There is also a significant difference between the themes and strategies of the interventions which is a consequence of the agencies’ conceptualisation of the peri-urban interface. The agencies which merely consider peri-urban areas as the urban fringe tend to support interventions with an urban focus, commonly concentrating upon the lack of infrastructure, and seek to provide drinking water and sanitation systems, and community health education. Those agencies that have a more rural focus by considering the peri-urban to include the rural areas in proximity to the city boundaries often focus on natural resources management including urban agriculture and the impacts of pollution, and focus upon new practices for improved and sustainable livelihoods, rather than the provision of infrastructure. Thus a wide variety of themes can be found among peri-urban programmes and projects. In terms of dominant strategies, the majority of development agencies demonstrate an overwhelming commitment to community participation as a strategy for managing the peri-urban areas.
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This article investigates the dominant factors of farming differentiation in the rural-urban interface of the densely populated Kathmandu Valley, using the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) modeling. The rural-urban interface in the Kathmandu Valley is an important vegetable production pocket which supplies a large amount of the vegetables in the city core. While subsistence farming in the rural area is characterized by a system which integrates livestock and forestry with agriculture, the intensification in the urban fringe is characterized by triple crop rotations and market-oriented intensive vegetable production. Seven factors which were supposed to cause farming variation in the interface were incorporated in the AHP framework and then subjected to the farmers’ judgment in distinctly delineated three farming zones. These factors played crucial yet differing roles in different farming zones. Inaccessibility and use of local resources; higher yield and accessibility and agro-ecological consideration and quality production are the key impacting factors of subsistence, commercial inorganic and smallholder organic farming respectively. The quantification of such factors of farming differentiation through AHP is an important piece of information that will contribute in modeling farming in the rural-urban interface of developing countries which are characterized by a high diversity of farming practices and are undergoing a rapid change in the land use pattern.
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Despite population growth and development at the rural-urban interface (RUI), agriculture continues to persist there. This resilience is partially a reflection of land use policies and market support programs designed to protect farm and ranch land that is vulnerable to nonfarm development. Studies examining the RUI primarily focus on the diversity of production and markets and do not discuss the diversity of operators. As the farmland protection and food systems movements continue to refine policy objectives and decide how to allocate scarce resources, it is critical to have up-to-date statistics on the health and vitality of agriculture at the RUI. Using the 2007 Census of Agriculture statistics, we examine (1) the spatial distribution by county of high-value production and marketing practices assumed to play a role in the persistence and vitality of agriculture at the RUI; and (2) the demographic characteristics of farmers in these
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There is increased recognition that the ways in which individuals and households achieve their basic needs are based on the management of a complex combination of capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities. Related to this is a more dynamic analysis of poverty which has been developed in recent years and which shows that people tend to move in and out of poverty, depending on how vulnerable they are to external shocks and stresses, and on how rapidly they can recover from such crises. The different types of strategies they adopt can be categorised as: income-earning strategies; expenditure-reducing strategies while striving to secure a given level of basic services; collective support strategies to address needs through kin, social and local networks; and external representation strategies in collaboration with, or through other institutions to bring resources and facilities to the settlement. These strategies depend on the availability of a number of different assets (or ‘capitals’). People who are not able to improve their livelihoods often fail to access, defend and capitalise on their existing assets and their vulnerability increases. A better understanding of the constraints and opportunities faced by different groups in gaining access to and in managing their assets is therefore an essential element of poverty reduction interventions. With this in mind, a number of frameworks have been developed, generally focusing on either rural or urban livelihoods. Section 2 briefly summarises their main features. The term peri-urban has also recently become widely used. This stems from the recognition that the management of natural resources in the region surrounding an urban centre is often of great importance to the livelihoods of many groups (for example farmers and fishing communities) and is equally crucial for the sustainable provision of these resources (for example freshwater and foodstuff) to the whole region, including its urban residents. The dynamic processes of socio- economic and environmental change which are usually a major element of the peri-urban interface are likely to have an impact on the opportunities and constraints faced by different groups in their access to assets and the construction of livelihood strategies. Based on the frameworks summarised in section 2, section 3 draws on the (admittedly limited) existing empirical literature and examines the relevance of the models to the construction of livelihoods in the peri-urban interface (PUI). Finally section 4 suggests ways in which elements of the different models can be usefully combined to improve their use as tools for research and policy-making in the context of the PUI.
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This paper discusses the validity of the urban interface dichotomy in the urban planning and sci- entific literature by means of a new approach and proposes a new model. Although the concept of “Urban Interface” (UI) is discussed widely in the context of urban-rural and/or natural-artificial environment, UI has been used in the computer and communication disciplines, as well as in eco- nomy, geography, regional planning, city planning and architecture. UI has also been used in rela- tion to electronic traffic control systems in urban transportation. UI between buildings and city is a relatively new issue in the literature. UI is defined with variant paradigms since the phenome- non is uncertain. This article reports on the use of fuzzy logic to create a kind of expert system for evaluating architectural elements in the context of UI. Fuzzy is the mathematical models of verbal expression on the area of specialization. This study is useful because this study shows a way to transform non-intuitive and precise concepts to the measurable and accurate results into a model. In order to create a model, the definition of UI in literature is evaluated and according to this evaluation a definition in terms of architecture is determined. The model of this new definition is created with using fuzzy logic using the Fuzzy Tec software. The predictions and experiences of a designer are represented in the model, which has been designed to behave like an expert person. Therefore, it has been shown that the definition of “expert system” can be added to architectural software. Lastly, a model that can give a fuzzy logic system for determining the quality of Urban Interface with sixteen parameters has been presented to the scientific field.
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Abstract: Sustainable fire management has eluded all industrial societies. Given the growing number and magnitude of wildfire events, prescribed fire is being increasingly promoted as the key to reducing wildfire risk. However, smoke from prescribed fires can adversely affect public health. We propose that the application of air quality standards can lead to the development and adoption of sustainable fire management approaches that lower the risk of economically and ecologically damaging wildfires while improving air quality and reducing climate-forcing emissions. For example, green fire breaks at the wildland–urban interface (WUI) can resist the spread of wildfires into urban areas. These could be created through mechanical thinning of trees, and then maintained by targeted prescribed fire to create biodiverse and aesthetically pleasing landscapes. The harvested woody debris could be used for pellets and other forms of bioenergy in residential space heating and electricity generation. Collectively, such an approach would reduce the negative health impacts of smoke pollution from wildfires, prescribed fires, and combustion of wood for domestic heating. We illustrate such possibilities by comparing current and potential fire management approaches in the temperate and environmentally similar landscapes of Vancouver Island in British Columbia, Canada and the island state of Tasmania in Australia.
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Introduction and Review of the Literature Although farming is often perceived as a rural activity, a significant amount of food production occurs in metropolitan counties or nonmetropol- itan counties adjacent to metropolitan areas. In fact, a substantial proportion of U.S. agricultural sales and a great majority of U.S. fruit and vege- table sales occur in metropolitan counties (Thomas & Howell, 2003). There are unique opportunities associated with farming in these counties, such as easy access to large, urban markets; but there are challenges as well, such as having to contend with large nonfarm populations and development (Sharp & Smith, 2004; Berry, 1978). Analysis of recent Census of Agriculture data suggests that many farmers are successfully adapting to the opportunities and challenges at the RUI (Jackson- Smith & Sharp, 2008), though the pattern of farm change can vary widely across urbanizing land- scapes. In this research we examine the extent to which formal community programs and institu- tional arrangements designed to support the local farm economy at the RUI are related to the aggregate patterns of change.
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20 One of the consequences of the first wave of “globalisation” had been the creation of large primate cities dominating the urban hierarchies of their countries, like Rio de Janeiro, Mexico city, Jakarta or Nairobi which were administrative centres and conduits for the flows of raw materials for the developing world. At the same time, dualistic societies were created, with much of the rural population living in poverty (as the informal sectors of the cities), dominated by a small elite of colonialists, foreign entrepreneurs and indigenous oligarchy (McGee, 1997). Even if differences in the time and processes of decolonisation (earlier in Latin America) have produced different patterns of urbanisation – where Latin America has attained the levels of urbanisation of developed countries, and Asia and Africa have just entered the “accelerated” phase of urban transition from rural to urban population – in each of these continents population from migration and endogenous growth of those large primate cities and industrial location on their fringes are actually expanding the urban areas to form what has been labelled extended metropolitan regions.
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In the last century, Urban Transportation has undergone the most elaborate changes amongst the other development parameters. From motor age to MRTS, the face of urban transportation has been constantly upgrading. The factors involved in the up gradation include globalization, population explosion, liberalization of global economy and technological advancements. The various modes of urban transport also supported this global need which ultimately had the urgency of integrating. The integration was essential primarily for smooth functioning of urban life. In the recent past, transportation has been the guiding factor in determining the spatial pattern of a development region. One key body which has always been involved in the whole process is governance. Urban Governance has always been challenging owing to the adaptation of multiple socio-economic segments of the society and the involvement of multimodal transportation makes is even more challenging. The role of governance has undergone a paradigm shift from mere policy making to revenue generation and beyond. This paper will discuss on the role of this governance. This will help us have a better insight into the merits and demerits in the role of urban governance in multimodal urban transportation, with a focus of determining the driving forces to foster urban and regional planning.
marshes of the just shifted river course. As a resultant of this man-made forceful intervention, the city form of Kolkata came out to be linear with the growth direction towards the north and south. The redirected Hooghly River on the west and wetlands on the east restricted its growth towards these directions respectively. However, in course of time as Kolkata has emerged as the new metropolis of today, the city has grown faster towards its north and south surpassing the optimum travel distance. The Hooghly River being a harder edge did not allow any further development along it, but on the other hand, the East Kolkata Wetlands being a comparatively softer edge is attracting new developments. As the land is marshy, the modern day development is happening in an isolated fragmented manner and without any coherence with local settlements. The wetland is not a mere ecological feature or historic urban landscape abutting the city edge only, but serving the city and its people for various everyday purposes. Hence, these new and upcoming haphazard developments are destroying that eco-urban relationship and spoiling ‘Image of the City’. Especially after the laying of Eastern Metropolitan Bypass along this soft edge, the developments like new IT Campuses, Housing and Townships of huge footprints are coming at a faster rate and changing the land-water ratio of the wetlands.