Use of a harmonised sampling regime has allowed comparison of concentrations of copper, chromium, nickel, lead and zinc in six urbanparks located in diﬀerent European cities diﬀering markedly in their climate and industrial history. Wide concentrations ranges were found for copper, lead and zinc at most sites, but for chromium and nickel a wide range was only seen in the Italian park, where levels were also considerably greater than in other soils. As might be expected, the soils from older cities with a legacy of heavy manufacturing industry (Glasgow, Torino) were richest in potentially toxic elements (PTEs); soils from Ljubljana, Sevilla and Uppsala had intermediate metal contents, and soils from the most recently established park, in the least industrialised city (Aveiro), displayed lowest concentrations. When principal component analysis was applied to the data, associations were revealed between pH and organic carbon content; and between all ﬁve PTEs. When pH and organic carbon content were excluded from the PCA, a distinction became clear between copper, lead and zinc (the ‘‘urban’’ metals) on the one hand, and chromium and nickel on the other. Similar results were obtained for the surface (0–10 cm depth) and sub-surface (10–20 cm depth) samples. Comparisons with target or limit concentrations were limited by the existence of diﬀerent legislation in diﬀerent countries and the fact that few guidelines deal speciﬁcally with public-access urban soils intended for recreational use.
5 Mohamed Ahmed (2012) who claimed that the physical attributes influence place attachment and park visitation. The physical attributes are introduced by existing research as a potentially useful idea in order to promote place attachment and park visitation. In this regard, it is notable that people’s perception of cities and also the way they use public open spaces in developed countries may be different (Ujang, 2008). Thus, the factors that can impact on place attachment in Malaysia may also be different from other countries. Hence, in this study, there was the need to determine whether the physical attributes influence place attachment to the urbanparks in Malaysia.
Green spaces have direct ecological benefits such as providing space for biodiversity (Rozenzweig, 2003). Further, since urban areas are largely sealed with concrete, green areas can retain rain water temporarily which is an important element in the management and control of water in cities (Fryd et al., 2012). Similarly, concrete surfaces absorb high amounts of sunlight which confronts cities that receive large amounts of sunlight with dramatically increasing temperatures. This effect can be mitigated via green urban areas, especially when they have a high tree-density (Gunawardena, Wells, & Kershaw, 2017). Green spaces also have indirect benefits through shaping citizen attitudes (Hartig & Kahn, 2016). This two- folded effect of bringing nature back to the city has been embraced by the reconciliation ecology approach (Rosenzweig, 2003). This approach is based on the observation that biodiversity is proportionally related to the land available for biodiversity. Therefore, it calls for an optimization of human-used land “establishing and maintaining new habitats to conserve species diversity in places where people live, work, and play” (p. 7, Rosenzweig, 2003). Simultaneously, urban green spaces provide opportunities to counterbalance the growing disconnect from nature and what Hartig and Kahn (2016) term environmental generational amnesia. The result of these phenomena is that people identify less with natural environments, become more indifferent towards it and are not able to see the dramatic changes we are experiencing now (Hartig & Kahn, 2016; Rosenzweig, 2003). Based on their data, several researchers conclude that in part, this explains the lack of action with regard to behaviour change in climate change mitigation (Hartig & Kahn, 2016; Rosenzweig, 2003; Scannell & Gifford, 2010a).
Urban green spaces supply to cities with ecosystem services ranging from maintenance of biodiversity to the regulation of urban climate. Comparing with rural areas, differences in solar input, rainfall pattern and temperature are usual in urban areas. Solar radiation, air temperature, wind speed and relative humidity vary significantly due to the built environment in cities (Heidt and Neef, 2008). Urban heat island effect is caused by the large areas of heat absorbing surfaces, in combination of high energy use in cities. Urban heat island effect can increase urban temperatures by 5°C (Bolund and Sven, 1999). Therefore, adequate forest plantation, vegetation around urban dweller‟s house, management of water bodies by authorities can help to mitigate the situation. Green spaces that feature good connectivity and act as „wildlife corridors‟ or function as „urban forests‟, can maintain viable populations of species that would otherwise disappear from built environments (Haq, 2011; Byrne and Sipe, 2010). Regional green space is based on the protection and optimization of natural ecological system and actually refers to continuous suburban green space of large size. It not only improves the whole ecological environment of the city region and its neighbors, and provides important support of urban environmental improvement. Furthermore, introduction of suburban green space into city also acts as the base of ecological balance. In practice, problems of urban woods and citied agriculture should be paid sufficient attention (Wuqiang et al., 2012).
The precedents and parallels in the framing and governance of anti-social behaviour in Victorian and contemporary periods are striking and we have sought to illustrate these. However, there are also important differences. Perhaps the central distinction is that, despite aspects of urban contexts in our own time increasingly resembling those of Victorian cities, the late Victorian response to urban crisis, including anti-social behaviour, was to construct an enhanced role for the state, at local and national levels. In contrast, current governmentalities are framed within a problematization of government itself and a promotion of non-state actors, including private and charitable (third sector) organisations, to govern conduct. This specifically includes governing anti-
recently implemented predator control programmes in nearby native bush patches and actively encouraged community participation in planting native species in the city’s parks. ‘Citizen science’ has played an important role in monitoring subsequent changes in the abundance and distribution of the bellbird population within the city boundary, with ad hoc observations across the city recorded using online tools such as the New Zealand Biodiversity Recording Network (Sullivan 2012) and eBird (Scofield et al. 2012). Anecdotal evidence suggests that, in the winter, some bellbirds move from their breeding habitat on the outskirts of the city into urbanparks and gardens to feed (Spurr et al. 2008, 2010; Sullivan 2012). However, to date, no systematic monitoring of the distribution of bellbirds among different habitats or seasons has been published; hence, it is not clear whether these ad hoc observations provide an accurate measure of temporal and spatial changes in bellbird distribution in the urban landscape that could be used to determine the impact of the local council’s predator control and restoration initiatives.
Currently, urban transport policies are regulated by city municipalities in the country. At the national level, the Government of India’s Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) mandated to transform urban areas, particularly urban transport. To get funds under this programme, states and municipalities are required to adopt specific reforms in urban development policies, which relate to the management of funds and adoption of new regulations pertaining to urban land ceiling and public discourse law, etc.
By 2050, there are forecast to be 2.4 billion more people in cities, and this century could rightly be called the urban century. This paper argues that, paradoxically, without the use of nature the urban century will fail. We review three literatures to assess the scientific support for this proposition. First, studies from economics show that it is the extreme potential for interaction that makes cities centers of productivity, innovation, and creativity. Second, many health studies document the increase in stress and greater prevalence of some mental disorders in cities, and we argue that it is the constant interaction of urban life that leads to this urban psychological penalty. Here we show that 46% of humans are living at population densities where global datasets suggest that this psychological penalty may be an issue, a fraction that will only grow as urbanization continues. Third, ecosystem service research shows that even a brief interaction with nature has mental health benefits, alleviating symptoms of this psychological penalty. Global datasets suggest that currently, only 13% of urban dwellers may be living in close enough proximity to nature to experience its mental health benefits. We argue that natural features in cities will be an essential part of the urban century, a way to have all the benefits of our urban, connected world yet also have that urban home be a place where we can psychologically flourish. We discuss two specific ways governments are trying to integrate nature into citizens ’ lives, through Green Prescriptions and the Biophilic Cities Network.
established in 1998 through a questionnaire survey. Respondents were the heads of urban planning departments in 38 cities participating in the second phase (1993–1997) of the WHO European Network. The survey found that regular cooperation between planning departments and health agencies occurred in only 25% of cases. Nearly one third of planning heads considered that planning policies were actually incompatible with health in certain ways – especially rigid standards of zoning and design. Other anti-health issues highlighted were excessive levels of motorized traffic, the focus on private profit and public budgets, social segregation and the lack of attention to the everyday needs of citizens. (Barton H. and Tsourou C. (2000)).
We have already attempted some rudimentary simulation based on the stochastic proportionate effects and examined the degree of volatility of such systems with respect to the entry and exit of new cities (Batty, 2001). However most of the models which attempt such simulation are somewhat artificial in that they do not incorporate any competition between the cities: cities exist independently of one another as for example in the simulations developed by Blank and Solomon (2001). There are some useful extensions to these models, for example that developed by Manrubia and Zanette (1998) but even in this case where local diffusion is used to spread development, there is no real competition built into the framework. A more important limitation however is that there is no inertia in these stochastic models. For example although the US urban system displays the same degree of volatility in terms of new cities entering and old leaving as those stochastic models, it is not possible to replicate the existence of cities that remain in place. New York, for example, has remained the dominant city throughout American history and despite pronouncements of its imminent demise, particularly since 9/11, this analysis suggests that its role in the system is fundamental and deep seated and that it is unlikely to lose this position in the foreseeable future. This kind of inertia is hard to replicate in stochastic models as it may well relate not simply to the internal dynamics of the US system but to its external dynamics, to its role as a world city and as an anchor point back to the old world from which America was originally spawned.
I. ricinus ticks were collected from ten sites (Table 1). Five model sites were selected in suburban forest and urbanparks of Košice – a large urban agglomeration in southeastern Slovakia with previously known high occur- rence of ticks and its infection with Borrelia as well as Anaplasma  and five sites were selected in Bardejov- a small town in northeastern Slovakia, with a cooler climate and very few data on presence of ticks. Ticks were col- lected from April till October 2008 in Bardejov area and from April till October 2010 in Košice area. Each collec- tion was conducted using white corduroy flags for one or more hours of flagging to cover various types of land cover in each studied site. Relative abundance of ticks was calcu- lated per one hour of flagging at each collection site and collection. After the collection, ticks were immediately immersed in tubes with 70% ethanol until the DNA was extracted. Ticks were further analysed for the presence of B. burgdorferi s. l., A. phagocytophilum and N. mikurensis by molecular methods.
This is to model the dynamics and the evolution of a system of cities and, in particular, the genesis, development and concentration of urban functions at different levels for a long period of time (about 2000). The environment is represented by a set of "squares" of sizes and shapes. Each site has an agent "stand" that is commonly called a city. Cities are characterized by the size of their population, economic wealth and the functions they have (agriculture, economy, industry, administration). The behavior of a city is given by the sum of the behavior of its inhabitants, which are represented by economic functions corresponding to the main social groups. Thus, some cities tend to grow and many local events reinforce the differences appearing between them to form what is called a "hierarchy" of cities on their size and wealth, as shown in figure:
Planning is the exercise that is carried out in the present, considering the past knowledge and experience, for a foreseeable future. Planning doesn’t have a specific definition. It can be defined as the end product, or as a methodology or as a process of decision making. In order to have a sustainable development, various factors are needed to be considered among which inclusiveness is one of the major. Inclusive planning is a process of development that includes wide variety of people and activities. It includes various dimensions of urban and rural poverty such as income and social poverty, environmental poverty, health poverty and education poverty. These dimensions have direct or indirect impact on quality of urban life. An inclusive city has been defined by the UN-Habitat as the one that promotes growth with equity. It was defined as a place where everyone, regardless of their economic means, gender, race, ethnicity, or religion, is enabled and empowered to fully participate in the social, economic, and political opportunities that cities have to offer. Participatory planning and decision making are at the heart of the inclusive city (habitat, 2001) . It is the development coupled with equal opportunities to all. The idea of inclusive development started after only before some decades ago. Inclusive development first appeared in publications of the Asian Development Bank, as a strategy towards equity and empowerment based on poverty reduction, human capital development (education, health care), social capital development (participatory decision-making and community- based steering), gender development (health, welfare and participation in societal development for women) and social protection (reducing risks and vulnerabilities associated with age, illness, disability, natural disasters, economic crises and civil conflict) (Kanbur, 2010) .
In spatial economics the important role of transport and communication is one of the fundamental principles of spatial economics and the theme of the relations between competition among regions and cities and policies and/or infrastructural facilities related to mobility has been widely faced in in urban planning, social science and urban economy fields: regions and cities with better access to locations and markets and with better connections with global centers of commerce will be more productive and competitive that more isolated regions and cities. Policies to improve economic competitiveness of regions and urban areas by investments in transport and communications infrastructures are a primary policy filed of economic policy.
Urban spaces in Iranian-Hellenic ages were very limited. Generally it was limited to streets and square and bazaar. These spaces had social, economical and political role in Iranian cities. Although bazaar in the Sassanid’s ages found importance, but government structures prevented bazaar to become a important part of cities. on that time, castle of cities maintained its importance, because surplus production were integrated by Sassanid governments so there was any opportunity for wide changes in Bazaar. Square of suburb were controlled and observed by government. In Sassanid’s age’s urban space, were limited to the streets in mean of attendance with liberty and leisure time. In end of Sassanid’s ages were four main roads toward four main orientations. These roads connected to four main gates of cities. Around these roads established the suburbs and continued the normal life. All ways connected to these main roads. In suburbs main roads and Bazaar had important role in creation urban spatial structure. Although urban squares administered by government, but Urban squares situated near Bazaar and depended on bazaar location. People used other spaces same as gardens and farm fields for ceremonies and celebrations, but it had less esteem compare to urban spaces. Bazaar is the places for immediate interaction between goods and people and has an interaction role. Bazaars establish after city- castle stage and were begun with surplus production in urban environment and around area. First markets and Bazaar concepts were temporary-seasonal and without textural elements or special form. With economical and political consistence make the Bazaar structure around castle cities. With pass from castle city to mechanism city, bazaar changes to main part of cities. Bazaar in this stage takes especially spaces and road for connected all cities together.
Only a small number of studies that included these concepts have been done in Turkish society. In one of the studies, Rustemli (1992) conducted two experiments to determine the personal space needs of Turkish males and females. Subjects were presented with diagrams that simulated several social conditions in which interpersonal distances, density, gender, and friendship were varied. The results showed that females had the largest distances next to male subjects, and male-male pairs used larger distances than females. Rustemli (1992) stated that Turks act less reserved in their interactions and stand closer to each other than most Northern Europeans and North Americans do. The Physical structure of Turkish cities and especially the social structure of the Turkish family provide for high-density living. Therefore, crowding effects of density are expected to be less evident among Turks (Rustemli, 1992). But this research was limited to the residence hall setting, investigating responses of only university students.
Public spaces should be places that support an intense civic life. They have been so throughout history, even if in each culture and historical period they have taken very different shapes and followed different design principles. Nevertheless, during the XX century, the Modern Movement faced some difficulties in dealing with public spaces. Too many times the zoning approach opposed the complexity, mix of uses and intensity required by lively public spaces, where social encounters and knowledge exchanges are made possible. In the XXI century, public spaces regained a major role in city projects and urban strategies all over the world. Their appearance was enriched by new forms. Besides the traditional squares, parks and promenades of compact cities, new metropolitan open spaces and collective places related to transport network nodes emerged. This paper focuses on the urban design of such contemporary collective places. Based on an overview of the historical evolution of public spaces, we identify some design principles (from the overlap of scales to acupuncture strategies, through to the complexity of relations between urban architectures) necessary to ensure that metropolitan nodes emerge as places full of urbanity rather than as deserted non places.
Among the main goals, India hopes to double within five years the employment potential, triple the industrial output and quadruple exports from the region. From a logistical point of view, the project will pass through six states – Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra – having as terminals Dadri and Jawaharlal Nehru Port near Mumbai. The project aims to be completely green, with new cities along the corridor as models of eco-city. The corridor will solve the biggest problem facing India, the lack of electricity and water. New green cities will use electricity in a sustainable way and they will have access to the water for 24 hours. They will also recycle waste and water. The preparatory work for seven of the twenty-four cities has already begun with Gujarat that will be the first state to undergo an eco-upgrade. The project is rather bold. A massive migration from the countryside to the city will change the image of the city. The long- term impact that a successful industrial corridor could have on the Country could be compared to that of the Interstate Highway System in the United States or the trans-European rail transport in Europe. Global connectivity means to facilitate trade and commerce, making this a vital project for India and its future.