the centre of the first tier of the Estonian association topography. In its history one can observe the main features of nation building at work: the inclusion of the main strata of the Estonian population, artisans and merchants, literati and peasants; the establishment of a public sphere through newspapers focusing on the Estonian institutions; and the creation of a national cultural sphere. The role of voluntaryassociations in paving the way for the building of a nation is stressed here because the sometimes fierce conflicts between journalists and newspaper editors, such as Johann Woldemar Jannsen, Carl Robert Jakobson and Ado Grenzstein, and the political differences between Jaan Tõnisson and Konstantin Päts, for instance, might lead us to believe that there was not one Estonian nationalism, but several. The case of Eesti Kirjameeste Selts is illustrative in that respect; the political discrepancies between the more radical representatives, such as Jakobson, Johann Köler and Mihkel Veske, and the more conservatives, around Jacob Hurt, led to the dissolution of the society as early as 1893. Nevertheless, the Estonian nation was a joint cultural construction, and remained their common project despite the different political attitudes of the protagonists. Associational life thus contributed to the cultural moulding of the nation. This role becomes particularly visible in the theatre and society buildings of the Estonian cultural associations. Similar statements may be made in regard to Latvia and the role of Rīgas Latviešu Biedrība (Hanovs 2000).
A frequent theme in accounts of the general evolution of transnational voluntaryassociations is suggestion that their development is a part of a broader progressive trend towards ‘global community’ (Iriye 2002) or even ‘the road to a world state’ (Boli and Thomas 1999: 48). Such claims are generally backed up with reference to the expanding numbers of recorded transnational voluntaryassociations. Boli (2006: 334), for instance, justifies his claim that ‘the nonprofit sector has been expanding rapidly and in unbroken fashion at the international and global levels’ from 1909 until 2000 with reference to how, he argues, ‘active INGOs have increased from fewer than 400 to more than 25,000 over these ninety years’. These figures are based on the data of the Union of International Associations, a transnational voluntary association established in Brussels in 1907 for the purpose of promoting the work and cooperation of other transnational voluntaryassociations (Laqua 2013; Van Acker 2014; Herren 2000).
For voting in elections, females are a bit more active than males for all groups. The most significant distinction between the two genders is observed in the group of athletes and musicians. The median age of voters is the lowest for the group of non-school political associations (26.9) and the highest for the non-involved group (28.9). In other words, people who were involved in non-school political voluntaryassociations in the form of consultative-advisory structures for state and municipal authorities start to vote in elections significantly earlier than people who did not take part in any extracurricular activity at school. Moreover, people who were active at school have a higher level of education. Thus, it can be concluded that people who are better educated are more politically active in Russia. Young citizens who were affiliated to any political association at school vote independently of their current work status, whereas others vote more if they are employed. In terms of family status, there is the opposite situation. Voting people from groups 2 and 3 are more likely to not be living with their parents. The same observation is correct for the other two groups, but is not so clearly expressed. The highest median income among voting young people is in the group of school political associations: 47,000 rubles; the lowest is in the non-involved group: 37,000 rubles. In other words, people who took part in any political organization at school or university end up having a higher income, at least up to the age of 30. Moreover, these people have a more active lifestyle, including not living with their parents, occupation and better education (Table 4). T ABLE 4.F OUR GROUPS OF VOTERS AMONG YOUNG CITIZENS ACCORDING TO FACTOR ANALYSIS
New directions of scholarship point to active merchant and trade guilds beyond those of medieval Europe (Lucassen et al. 2008). In medieval and early modern India, although there were a number of different types of collective association, such as the kharkhana, “guilds fulfilling the minimum formal characteristics – a written charter establishing a right to conduct business and accepted by members, as well as the local or supralocal government authority – were rare, if not unknown, even in the context of urban crafts or commerce” (Roy 2008: 97–98). In China, the government ordered the creation of various kinds of business associations as early as the 8th century. There is some evidence for the establishment of voluntaryassociations from the 12th century onwards (Moll-Murata 2008: 218; but see also Golas 1977: 555). However, the main function of these associations was to coordinate the merchants’ and artisans’ obligations to the government, rather than to regulate access and homogenize markets for their members. As a result, it is now generally agreed by scholars that there is little evidence of formal guild-like associations before the later years of the Ming dynasty in the 16th and 17th centuries (Golas 1977; Moll-Murata 2008).
Although voluntaryassociations were typically composed of freedmen who practised the same craft or trade, they mirrored wider civic culture in that their internal structure was associated with honour and prestige. 15 Several lists of club membership survive and these are headed by the names of patrons, predominantly wealthy men, sometimes of senatorial rank, who had often made gifts to the club. 16 In return for such beneficence a club would honour the patron with titles and dedications which added to his status (and which were, in some sense, a suitable quid pro quo for his investment). Other members of the club bore titles imitating municipal officials: presidents of a club might be given the title magistri, curators or quinquennales; the accounts were held by the quaestores; below these came certain officials, the decuriones, followed by the ordinary members (plebs). Here, those club- members excluded from overt civic honours could find suitable recompense within the familiarity of the association. 17 The meal played an important part in this process because particular procedures provided a highly visible means for acknowledging status. The clubs offered, as Meeks notes, ‘ the chance for people who had no chance to participate in the politics of the city itself to feel important in their own miniature republics ’έ 18
Alito, with the EEOC, sees the rights of religious organizations with respect to ideological control of their members as similar to that of all other voluntaryassociations, a right founded in the freedom of association expressed in the First Amendment, not in the rights of religion: “Religious groups are the archetype of associations formed for expressive purposes, and their fundamental rights surely include the freedom to choose who is qualified to serve as a voice for their faith.” 42 This turn to the voluntariness of American religious life corresponds much more closely to what disestablished religion looks like in the United States today and to how most Americans understand their relationship to religious communities, that is, one not of top-down hierarchy but of bottom-up participation. It is also rooted in another reading of the history the majority tells, one that tells a story of the freedom of Christians and eventually of non-Christians as well. It is an understanding that sees Ms. Perich as the possessor of rights, not the church.
• compulsory schemes are much less popular than voluntary schemes amongst parents and school staff. But voluntary schemes can struggle to run economically and there are also adverse selection issues where those who may benefit the most – often the most deprived – would not attend. We suggest that it does so via an extended day premium, distributed on a per pupil basis, which schools can opt into receiving on the condition that they then run a longer day and which is mandatory for pupils within that school. Such a decision, with associated funding, would be analogous to opting in to Academy status.
areas are separated. A weaker definition includes only voluntary activity in the formal organizational structure but the broader definition includes some activities such as helping a neighbor, helping friends, etc. (19-24) . The fourth dimension of volunteering is also about the beneficiary of volunteering. A weaker definition accepts only volunteering activities aimed at strangers but also accepts other definitions such as benefits to friends and relatives. In this dimension, and the broadest definition, volunteering services to volunteers themselves are also accepted (20, 23, 25-29) . In the fifth dimension, the physical or virtual presence of the volunteer is discussed. Many studies have only addressed volunteers, while recent studies have considered online or distant volunteering as one of the main types of volunteering (13, 16, 27, 30-37) . With the advent of information and communication technologies, volunteering goes from present and physical to both online and distance. In the traditional form of volunteering, each stage of it was done face to face, but today; the volunteer can choose an organization or take on a specific task and carry it out remotely through digital technology (14, 38-40) . Many leaders believe that the use of information and communication technologies will also increase the efficiency of the management process of volunteers as well as the provision of volunteers such as ICT activists, the youth and travelers (46) . The aim of this study was to finddifferent types of online volunteering, place and time of online volunteering, online volunteers attributes and advantages, disadvantages, opportunities and also the threats of online volunteering.
Mr Vaizey: At present, local authorities set term and holiday dates for about 30% of secondary schools and 70% of primary schools (around half of all registered pupils). The Deregulation Bill gives more schools the flexibility to make changes should they wish to, although the experience of the academies programme and voluntary aided (church) schools, suggests that only a small percentage of schools are likely to vary their term dates.
The voluntary sector is the heart of civil society. Regardless of size, form or purpose, voluntary organisations provide independent views of politics, culture, leisure and all activities of life in which humans engage. They also provide the important means for individuals to influence their own lives and the conditions of society at large. As Putnam has convincingly argued, societies with a history of forming associations have a stronger civic culture, the trust from which tends to result in more effective democratic institutions and healthier economies. 1 Recent trends in the voluntary sector have translated into a direct impact on economic health. The following extract from Douglas Rutzen’s presentation to an NGO conference in Malta illustrates this: “non-profit organisations provide 4% of total
explanatory variables which are exogenous to the model. Tax compliance attitude issues is the two kinds attitude matter in its nature; tax payers may comply voluntarily (positive compliance attitude) or (negative compliance attitude).Taxpayers are assumed to have positive voluntary compliance attitude if they assess themselves by reporting their correct taxable income to tax authority (at right time, place, correct amount and in appropriate manner) without any legal enforcement and it is their willingness to comply with directives and regulations of authorities. In contrary, taxpayers may have negative voluntary compliance attitude if they are enforced by tax authority on those who are unwilling to pay their taxes at right time, place, correct amount and incorrect manner through the threat and application of audit and fine. Therefore, based on the above theoretical concept, the researcher developed the model. Since, dependent variable, (i.e., tax compliance attitude) is a binary outcome (dichotomous) variable and treated as qualitative data and the researcher assumes one (1) for positive voluntary compliance attitude, otherwise zero (0). For this data, logistic regression is appropriate model to measure how explanatory variables (factors influencing voluntary compliance attitude) affect individual’s likelihood of having positive voluntary compliance attitude or negative compliance attitude. Because the binary result variables violate some assumptions of linear regression models such as (heteroskedastic and non-normal). The Logit function can be derived from odds rations:
Abstract: We examined the effects of adequate energy intake on bone strength and bone mass under exercise and low nutrient intake using a rat model of the female athlete triad (FAT). Seven-week-old female rats were divided into four groups: sedentary and ad libitum feeding group (SED), exercise and ad libitum feeding group (EX), exercise and 30% food restriction group (EX-FR), and exercise, 30% food restriction and adequate energy intake group (EX-FR + Ene). Excise groups were performed a voluntary running. The EX-FR + Ene group was fed glucose ad-libitum to adequate energy intake. The experiment lasted for 12 weeks. The energy availability, internal organ weight, bone size, bone strength, bone mass, and calcium absorption in the EX-FR group were significantly lower than those in the EX group. There were no significant differences in these parameters except bone strength in between the EX and EX-FR + Ene groups. The breaking energy in the EX-FR + Ene group was significantly lower than those in the EX group. Our results provide evidence that adequate energy intake is important for optimal bone growth in young female athletes.
Commission, for example, largely rejected the framework of relations set by Wolfenden and the subsequent Tory administration. Yet, its drive for state support for voluntarism’s role in tackling the underlying causes of disadvantage through campaigning, not just relief of need through service provision, appeals to the late 19 th /early 20 th Century where voluntarism was a major force for reform. In other words, the simultaneous discourses of stability and change developed in significant reviews of public policy domains produce layered or sedimented realities - a collage of past relations or assemblage of different aspects of past realities to create a seemingly new era. It is thus crucial that scholars interested in policy change take both ‘time’ and the interrelated dynamics of stability and change seriously; accounts that downplay such matters are inadequate for explaining the evolution of state-voluntary relations and policy reform more broadly.
Thirdly, collaboration is being encouraged at a time when substantial cuts are being made to the voluntary and community sector. Whilst it may be acceptable for the initial stages of new collaborations to increase workloads, moving forward collaborations need to be at least ‘time-neutral’ for all involved (Clay & Stern, 2015; GPs at the Deep End, 2014). In order to provide a dependable service that GPs can trust, consistent funding for VCS organisations is needed (Brandling & House, 2007). There is a slight irony in one of the proposed to address the growing economic crisis in primary care (i.e. GP-VCS collaboration), itself, not being appropriately funded.
The results of a value for money evaluation of IOM assisted voluntary return schemes are discussed in section 4.6. This evaluation drew attention to the fact that increasing numbers of irregular migrants were availing of the IOM schemes while asylum applicants were becoming less well represented among returns. A Memorandum of Understanding was agreed between IOM Dublin and the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform in March 2009, which set out that asylum applicants are IOM’s main target group and that priority would be given to their return rather than the return of irregular migrants. Data on the number of applicants to IOM and the numbers who returned indicate that increasing numbers are being turned away without assistance. It is likely that this trend reflects a combination of increasing unemployment as a result of the economic downturn and the new policy of focussing on asylum applicants rather than irregular migrants.
speak of someone’s being in a situation in which they have to decide whether or not to want something. All these locutions and many more imply that we frequently have the capacity to effectively decide or choose what we are to desire. Some philosophers have held that even though many of our desires are involuntary, there are a great many desires which are under our voluntary control. These desires are ones that we properly can be held responsible for. For example, Peter Smith and O. R. Jones argue that many, or perhaps even most, of the desires or pro-attitudes involved in the explanation of human action are in some measure “up to us”... To revert to our earlier examples: it surely is to some extent up to Jack whether he wants to look like everyone else at the party— we can sensibly ask whether he ought to feel like that, we may perhaps hold him accountable for still succumb- ing to the temptation to feel that way, and so on. And Jill’s desire for a laboratory sample, which is likely to be the result of some deliberative process, is even more clearly something for which it could make sense to hold her accountable (for example, we can ask whether she has deliberated carelessly or well). Even in the case where Jill succumbs to the fancy for a second helping of cheesecake, there is the question whether her contrary desires should not have been more firmly held. In all these cases, then, the complex of desires which lie behind an ac- tion is itself, by and large, something for which the agent can be held to account (Smith and Jones, 1986).
Broadly speaking, there are two ways in which local communities can be involved in the delivery of public services, including criminal justice services. First, formal organisations that are, in some sense, community-based can be contracted by government to undertake delivery. Opening up the delivery of public services to non-statutory providers (from both the private sector and the voluntary and community sector) was a core policy commitment of the Labour administration since the early 2000s. The Coalition government is committed to extending much further the role of non-statutory bodies in the delivery of public services, and to transforming commissioning structures in order to make this happen. However, while an increasing proportion of criminal justice work is being contracted out to non-statutory bodies (including most of the work traditionally undertaken by the probation service), it is rare for genuinely grass-roots community associations to take on these roles. Hence the commissioning of criminal justice services has limited applicability to the theme of
The London boroughs of Hackney and Tower Hamlets were at the forefront of the development of Local Housing Company models which help local authorities to withdraw and through which the private sector takes more responsibility for the ownership, management and upgrading of local authority housing. The London Borough of Tower Hamlets, which was Labour controlled at the time of writing, “exhibits levels of multiple deprivation and socio-economic exclusion at levels that are the highest both in London and nationally” (LB Tower Hamlets, 1995a). Council housing in the Borough was said to be “typical of the worst representation of local authority housing”, displaying “extremely poor environmental quality and design related crime problems” (LB Tower Hamlets, 1995a). The council rejected the LSVT model as an option because it did not provide an acceptable way forward “either financially or in terms of the normal accountability arrangements” (LB Tower Hamlets, 1995b). This was because the stock had a negative value and the Council’s would be left with an overhanging debt, which it would be unable to redeem. It should be noted that these discussions took place prior to changes to rules on overhanging debt in 2000. The council believed that direct transfer to existing RSLs did not offer tenants sufficient protection and levels of involvement. The Borough initially proposed the transfer of 37 of its estates (some 13,000 dwellings) to two “Housing and Regeneration Community Associations” (HARCAs), which would be vehicles for transforming estate conditions, changing estate services and involving communities (Stride, 1997). The Poplar HARCA and Tower Hamlets Community Housing have both attracted funding from banks, but in order to provide sufficient security for funders, good quality stock was “packaged” with poorer quality stock.
..overall the five seemed like a really good, tight knit bit of a teamwork, divvied up the jobs without anybody really taking a back seat or putting their feet up. The experience with our peers was a very positive one … it did seem to be a genuinely collaborative endeavour which is certainly not always the case. For example, there was considerable discussion about exclusions ‘because it impacted on people in different ways, but also that people had different organisation views’ but it was possible to develop ‘a framework everybody could live with’. There was a widespread feeling that all associations ‘pulled their weight’ in order to make the pilot programme work and that had involved considerable contribution to the management of the pilots over and above the processing of tenant interest and sales. Joint working was helped because ‘there was a lack of ego in the group’ and ‘we weren’t trying to outdo each other’. There were ‘ambivalent feelings about whether we wanted to be the poster boys or girls for voluntary right to buy … none of us wanted to be perceived as the champion that’s selling social housing assets’. It was also important that ‘Chief Executives were on board and driving it and they knew each other’.
The effects of voluntary work on earnings have recently been studied for some developed countries such as Canada, France and Austria. This paper extends this line of research to Italy, using data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) dataset. A double methodological approach is used in order to control for unobserved heterogeneity: Heckman and IV methods are employed to account for unobserved worker heterogeneity and endogeneity bias. Empirical results show that, when the unobserved heterogeneity is taken into account, a wage premium of 2.7 percent emerges, quite small if compared to previous investigations on Canada and Austria. The investigation into the channels of influence of volunteering on wages gives support to the hypotheses that volunteering enables the access to fruitful informal networks, avoids the human capital deterioration and provides a signal for intrinsically motivated individuals.