The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 stands out as the most significant conflict between the two world wars. It began in July 1936 with an only partly successful military rebellion against the elected and reformist government of the Second Republic. Foreign observers feared the civil war set in train by the botched coup could provide the spark that would set the world ablaze in another global conflagration. 3 Accordingly, the beleaguered democracies of Britain and France clung to their policy of military non-intervention in a desperate effort to prevent the conflict from spilling over into other parts of the continent. In August 1936, twenty-eight countries signed the Non-Intervention Agreement and signatories included Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union. 4 These three states, however, flagrantly breached the Agreement and sent arms, advisors, troops and munitions in considerable quantities. 5 Both the Agreement
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During the 1980s and 1990s, class war conservatism’s unique blend of “authoritarian populism” (Hall and Jacques, 1983), free market zeal and a new post-Fordist strategy for accumulation was implemented through a distinctive set of policies and accompanying discourses, partly sketched out during the 1970s by New Right think tanks like the Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA) in preparedness for the onset of “crisis” (Klein, 2007; Tickell and Peck, 2007). Rolling-back the state meant privatisation of nationalised industries and assets, business deregulation, an assault on organised labour and historic gains in workers’ rights and conditions, cuts to services and social security, the gradual removal of barriers to private sector delivery of public services, and the creation of deregulated tax-free planning zones to channel speculative investment in the built environment and unleash a gentrification-led restructuring of city centres and inner city housing markets (Smith, 2002: 443). These destructive measures were accompanied by “new modes of regulation, new regimes of governance, with the aim of consolidating and managing both marketisation and its consequences” (Tickell and Peck, 2007: 33) such as the reorganisation of local government through marketised governance approaches like competitive contracting out, performance league tables in education and health, and public-private-partnerships (PPPs). Public bodies were forced to compete or lose out, and “individuals and their families” were exhorted to become more entrepreneurial and self-reliant while viewing a cast list of social miscreants (the unemployed, welfare claimants, single mothers, homeless beggars and council tenants) as responsible for their and the “nation’s” own problems .
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Thus an over-ambitious war effort, conducted with inadequate mechanisms to secure the mobilisation of France's undoubtedly superior resources, brought the country ultimately to the edge of political collapse in the Frondes which broke out six years after Richelieu's death. And if historians turn their eyes away from the odd highpoint such as Rocroi, and view the war effort as a whole, it appears much less effective than is usually suggested - general histories always mention Rocroi, but rarely remember Tuttlingen, fought the same year, in which the French army of Germany was virtually destroyed. Parrott's refusal to ignore the lesser fronts is particularly praiseworthy and gives a much more rounded picture of France's war-effort than is usual elsewhere. In general, far from ever-larger armies roaming the continent, much of the fighting was actually sustained by forces of about 10 -15,000 men. When the system came under strain, the government was forced to prioritise, with some fronts suffering complete collapse: in 1637 the Valtelline army simply ceased to exist. Armies faced all-but crippling wastage rates, were raised largely on the credit extended by their noble commanders and were held together only by 'a veneer of discipline and subjection to common objectives, under which individual insubordination and corruption were almost universal' (p. 286).
Also important are the Cabinet Secretary’s Miscellaneous Files (CAB 301) from the Cabinet Secretary’s private office dealing with the administration, funding and role of the intelligence agencies, first appearing at TNA in 2013. Since its creation during the Great War, the Cabinet Office and the most senior Civil Servant in Whitehall, the Cabinet Secretary, has been an important individual in coordinating British intelligence. Once again, there are interesting self-contained stories here: the bugging of King Edward VIII’s telephone calls during the abdication crisis remains one of the most sensitive intelligence operations authorized by government. But the most significant papers here deal with the funding of intelligence and the central role of the Treasury, a department often overlooked in histories of Britain’s spies. The series also includes
To understand Foucault’s political stance, and explore possibilities for retrieving his thought’s radicalism , it is necessary to revisit the ways in which Foucault subverted conventional understandings of power, looking in particular at the options he explored, and the strategic choices he made whilst developing his approach. His lectures at the Collège de France in 1976 represent for us a brief but important moment, pregnant with possibilities that were left largely unexplored. During these lectures, the metaphor of war or warlike struggle as a framework for understanding power is briefly foregrounded before it retreats behind later conceptualisations. In the years that followed Foucault shifted emphasis from war to the metaphor of government. This afforded several crucial advantages in the analysis of power, and these advances are certainly ones that we would not wish to discard. In what follows we explore this transition, outline its consequences, and argue for a return to the analytic of war as a way of investing with new energy the multiple insights that have been gained through the analytic of government.
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Probably the most original element of Elizabeth’s Wars is Hammer’s view of Robert Devereux, the Earl of Essex. Inspired by two articles L. W. Henry produced in the 1950s highlighting Essex’s military writings (2) , which Hammer elaborated on substantially in his own previous work, he convincingly characterizes Essex as a military reformer at the cutting edge of contemporary military practice. This is a long stretch from the common image of Essex as a chivalric throwback that has predominated in many works, adding a new dimension to our understanding of this complex figure. It is now possible to see Essex as a living example of the rapidly changing role of the nobility in early modern military practice, which saw movement from the medieval role of warrior leading by example in combat to a more polished form of military technician. Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, whom Elizabeth I ordered to stay away from the battlefield and study books of war, is another fine example of this trend, and Hammer would have profited by looking into his career further.
The conceptual framework of the study presents the direction of the research. It represents significant variables that were subjected to interpretation and validation. Secondary data was obtained for the period of one (1) year regarding the results of the President’s war on drugs as collated by the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA) – the leading government body mandated to implement the program. Furthermore, observations of respondents were assessed based on the barangay official’s personal knowledge of the drug trade and crime rate in their respective barangays. Moreover, the study aimed at culminating this endeavor with providing policy proposals for the enhanced implementation of the drug war. Finally, the study will serve to validate how effec- tive and efficient the war on drug is based on the peace and order condition of the country.
mobilized primarily in anticipation of a military confrontation in Europe against its Cold War enemies. London did not demonstrate to Buenos Aires—in a systematic and calculated fashion—its capability of winning a war in the Falklands, or even the priority to do so. Thus, regardless of whether Great Britain had the “ability” to defeat Argentina with military force, it repeatedly failed to demonstrate the “will” to do so, a key aspect of military deterrence. The period leading up to the Falkland Islands War witnessed a series of both official or unofficial Argentine acts of aggression in the South Atlantic. However, the British government failed to respond to any of these events with a seriously tough and overt military stance. In fact, not only did London fail to respond to these acts of aggression with enhanced levels of military force to deter further acts of aggression, it often responded to these incidents by resuming negotiations or further diminishing its already scarce military capability in the region.
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As the war moves on, there are instances of infectious diseases spreading in rebel held areas due to poor sanitation and deteriorating living conditions. The diseases primarily affected children. Measles, typhoid, hepatitis, dysentery, tuberculosis, diphtheria, whooping cough and disfiguring skin disease, leishmaniasis are increasingly common in areas held by rebel groups. Of particular concern is the contagious and crippling poliomyelitis. As of late 2013, doctors and international public health agencies have reported more than 90 cases of such disease. Critics of the government complain that even before the outbreak of the war, it contributed to the spread of diseases by purposefully restricting access to vaccination, sanitation and access to hygienic water in areas considered politically unsympathetic to the government in power.
RESULTS: Four main themes emerged when the factors associated with the price war phenomenon among community pharmacies in the State of Penang were analyzed. These were (1) The distribution of the community pharmacy premises; (2) The role of pharmaceutical companies; (3) The lack of the development of price control mechanisms by the government and (4) The role of the community pharmacists. The participants also highlighted the negative impact which was imposed by the pharmaceutical price war. These included the shrinkage of the profit margins, the lower survival rate of the pharmacy in the current market and the negligence of pharmacy professionalism. Finally, several suggestions were put forward to resolve this phenomenon, including the role of government agencies in developing policies to control the price war by limiting the number of pharmacies in an area, as well as enforcing the recommended retail price policy.
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Many actions were taken against persons believed to be enemy aliens during WWII over which the United States now expresses serious regret. While perhaps technically legal at the time, the mass arrests, deportations, and lengthy detentions of accused alien enemies on the basis of often specious evidence was unjust, a waste of resources, and damaging to the U.S. reputation abroad. The United States appears to have learned some lessons from that experience. In the current fight against terrorism, U.S. courts are providing more stringent review of government action to protect individual rights and the U.S. government is responding to those court directives by providing greater protections. However, the U.S. government still initially went too far in favoring national security over individual liberties when faced with terrorist threats. As in WWII, it arrested and detained many persons on flimsy allegations, transported them far from home, locked them up indefinitely, and limited their procedural rights when they demanded hearings to prove their innocence. Thus, while the United States has exorcised many of the ghosts from the World War II Latin American Detention Program, some of those ghosts still haunt Guantanamo.
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warriors’ because of their closer relationship with death. But all party members were likely to be killed and were recognized as martyrs by the party upon their death, sometimes even when it was accidental. The term also applied to non-committed people killed by government forces, and to those who went missing. Yet, it is obvious that some martyrs were more legitimate than others, and that the PLA fighters killed during the battle constituted the ideal-type of martyr. Their very enrolment was depicted as an initial sacrifice, following which their life was suspended, and their death was merely ‘the fall of their material form’. With their death caused as it was by a ‘butcher’, the rebels remained the agents of their self-sacrifice. Initiated consciously, fully actualized when they ‘obtained martyrdom’ (shahadat prapta paunu), as something knowingly accepted, the martyrs’ death deprived the opposing party of heroism in battle and its ability to offer them up in sacrifice. Conversely, with no other way out, the rebels would ‘annihilate’ their enemies, denying them the glorious death of the warrior by not offering them in sacrifice. A noble, voluntarily chosen death and the coveted status of martyr awaited the rebels, while the enemies were simply ‘erased’ or even ‘cleansed’ in an unprecedented movement of purification. By offering themselves in sacrifice through their commitment, Maoist soldiers became living dead, martyrs-to-be. Like the Tamil Tigers who flaunted a cyanide capsule pendant, the Maobadis wore the sign of their imminent demise on their foreheads: a mourning headband (kaphan) or a red star, which, in their movement designates a martyr rather than the unity of the workers. Detached from their ‘material form’ (bhautik rup), they mortified it so that violence and persecution had no effect on them, except to strengthen their determination. By this action on the self, the People’s War perverted the sacrificial logic presiding over war, its bilateral structure.
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The headline of the text "Home Office resists reform of drug law as cocaine use doubles" implies a critical point of view. No wonder that the Daily Telegraph draws a gloomy picture of the precautionary measures taken by the Labour government in its war on drugs since the newspaper represents the right-wing 'Conservative' viewpoint, which could be expected to oppose and challenge the Labour government. The headline reflects the ideological background of the writer and the newspaper as well. It appears as an ‘active’ sentence to give prominence to the Home Office as the agent resisting reform and the main factor behind the multiplication of cocaine use accordingly. Passivising the headline such as 'Reform of drug law is resisted by the Home Office …' could hardly convey the same message. The use of doubles indicates the failure of the government in dealing with the problem. If the same story were published in ‘The Guardian’ or ‘The Independent’ newspapers, for example, I think the headline might have been less prejudiced such as 'Home Office considers reform of drug law' showing that the government is willing to reconsider the current drug system. This headline is a clear example of the relation between language and power claimed by Fairclough (1992), since it reflects the relational values of text producer.
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At face value, FutureGen was a promising, government-driven energy technology deployment project: a public-private partnership with clear goals and reasonably viable technology. However, due to unfavorable economic forces in the broader electricity markets, combined with a lack of buy-in from industry, the project lumbered along and was quickly surpassed by the prospects for natural gas — a development that significantly undercut its long- term viability. While it seems likely that CCS technologies will play a significant role in climate mitigation over the long run, it is clear that they were poorly served by the FutureGen effort, which placed them at risk of falling victim to the “shadow of failure” described with respect to the SFC. That said, FutureGen has some positive elements to its legacy. Extensive preparation went into obtaining EPA certification to construct and operate CO 2 sequestration wells as part of
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solution of any problem but it cannot be effective in the long- run. The play ultimately comes to the impact of war on women in particular and the society and humanity in general. Human relationship is the first thing which gets befuddled by wars and risings. Love is its prime prey, and women and children, the love incarnate are its victims. The significant women characters such as Nora, Bessie and Mrs Gogan; their importance is due to their dislike for war. The female consciousness is more interested in productivity and continuity than in killings and revolution. The idea of moving on is very close to the heart of woman. She has deep faith in marital and familial life which is crumbled by socio political and eco political divisions, mishaps and wars. It is woman’s ingenuity in compelling and restoring what history tears apart... They, unswervingly or circuitously, refute the claims and beliefs of men. The actions of Men bring in violence and instability whereas women work for non-violence and stability, for culture and spirit. Women are the inconspicuous energy of the society. Men systematically destroy this basic, elemental energy and try to invent an illusionary world of energy of their own in their war machine. This war machine forcibly weans away men from their women and thereby destroys its own inventor. Woman intuitively knows this basic truth of life. Man feels it and wants to lose himself in sharing this creative energy with his woman but his cerebral part or element is so strong that it arouses his ego to go apart in order to enjoy his own creation – the illusionary world of destructive energy of war machine and get destroyed. Mrs. Gogan understands that the world of man is the world of death (The Plough 141). The dialogue between Fluther and Mrs. Gogan is symbolic. Fluther feels “It’s only a little cold I have” (The Plough 141). He does not feel that something is seriously wrong with him; man underplays the reality of his world of death. So arrogant is he of his man’s power. Only a woman understands where the reality lies. She makes man aware of the danger staring in his face but he will not take care of it as Fluther states saying: “A man in th’ pink o’ health should have a holy horror of allowin’ thoughts o’ death to be festerin’ in his mind” (The Plough 141). The man might be faint and coughing but he cannot think of death – he must keep it at afar distance from himself. This is his ego speaking. The reality bursts out from the mouth of the woman who knows that the world of man is the world of death.