In welfareservice system, complexity can be divided at least into three dimensions. Firstly, complexity refers to the feature of the system. A system can be defined as a complex system if it exhibits an emergence phenomenon occurring due to the connectivity and diversity of its parts. According to Goldstein  “emergence” refers to the “coming-into-being of novel, “higher” level struc- tures, patterns, processes, properties, dynamics, and laws, and how this more complex order arises out of the inter- actions among components that make up the system it- self”. An emergent whole is more or less than the sum of its parts. Instead of being “a magical sundering of causal- ity”, an emergence refer herein to “an outcome of varie- gated and constructed dynamics generated out of interac- tions” between the lover level actors that constitute the system . This means that, while the complex system is aggregated from its parts, the interplay of these parts produces emergent patterns which cannot be analytically reducible to the constituent parts . Emergence results from the process where each welfareservice provider (i.e. public organizations, private companies, and non-profit organizations) continually decide with which other orga- nizations it will engage, and what information and other resources it will exchange with them . Furthermore, in the context of welfare services, customers/clients have important roles to perform in service operations. They participate and influence both the production and the out- puts, for example, by providing information about their health and by exercising rehabilitation actions . Vie- wed with the complexity lens, relationships between the system and its environment create nested, interacting and interdependent systems [29,82]. This means that the va- lue network of the Helsinki Social Services Department is an open system in the sense that it exchanges informa- tion, resources and ideas with its environment . That is to say that the value network co-evolves with other systems. What is important is that innovations are emer- gent and result if at all from dynamic interaction and feedback processes both within the actors in the welfare systems and between the system and its surrounding en- vironment.
In Japan, the quality of service provided in elder care facilities is drawing special attention after the enforcement of the Long-term Care Insurance Act in 2000. This study is aimed at proposing a structure model on improvement in quality of welfareservice and clearing a research trend on welfare industry in Japan by systematic review. At first, Key words regarding to the quality of welfareservice were taken by related papers. And then we discussed those key words using KJ method and developed the structure model composed of four areas and three-layer structure. Second, a literature search was exhaustively performed with 12 keywords on Cinii and Google Scholar databases for papers published between 1991 and 2010. From the papers returned by the search, the 63 original papers were examined. This study showed that the staff’s care burden and nursing consciousness were featured themes. On the other hand, there were few researches as a customer satisfaction or information management. In addition, these researches only considered short-term effects.
Ms Kileni and her two daughters were placed in what is known as ‘Direct Provision’ accommodation. Direct Provision is a means of meeting the basic needs of asylum seekers for food and shelter while their claims for refugee status, or leave to remain/subsidiary protection, are being processed. In addition to food and shelter, people in Direct Provision receive weekly personal allowances of €19.10 per adult and €9.60 per child. These cash allowances are paid by the Community WelfareService. These arrangements were introduced in April 2000 and are operated by the Reception and Integration Agency which is part of the Department of Justice and Equality. The rates of the weekly payments have not changed since 2000.
40 Although beyond the scope of this article, the early history of child welfareservice delivery demonstrates a mix of public-private partnerships. There remains, however, a prevailing misperception that the earliest forms of child welfare were entirely private philanthropic enterprises with minimal or nonexistent governmental involvement. In detailing the early history of child welfare, some scholars have overlooked the import of nascent public-private partnerships that took shape soon after the Revo- lutionary War, many of which resemble contemporary privatization efforts. Mangold, for example, writes that “[b]efore the last quarter of the nineteenth century, there were no public or private agencies dedicated to the care of abused and neglected children. It was private philanthropic agencies that first began this work, intervening into ‘private’ families in the name of protecting vulnerable children.” Su- san Vivian Mangold, Protection, Privatization, and Profit in the Foster Care System, 60 O HIO S T . L.J. 1295, 1301–02 (1999). This is only partially true. As evidenced in an account of the history of care of children in the city of New York, care to neglected children ha
This bachelor thesis therefore tries to contribute to the existing scientific knowledge of voting behaviour and welfare satisfaction and develop two testable hypotheses that will be analysed during the process of this thesis. It will aim to show that governmental parties do not need to be afraid of electoral loses when enacting - in the voters view - unpopular policy in relation to welfare state service but instead they (maybe) can already calculate with potentially losses. Instead the contestation of voters with government satisfaction would encourage governmental parties to find new, better alternatives to possible problems relating to welfare state services. Making, the anticipation from this even clearer, is by illustrating the issue of (potential) electoral sanctions would force representatives to “act in the interests of the represented, in a manner responsive to them” (Pitkin, 1967, p. 209). Important to note is that this decline of support with the incumbent government, as (it will be) measured through voting in favour of other than the governmental parties, does not imply that citizens do not aim their discontent at the political system as a whole, but instead they narrow down their dissatisfaction at particular actors inside the democratic system. Therefore, political accountability is, for representative democracy scholars, arguably one of the keys to make representative democracy work. This research project therefore does not only have a scientific relevance by trying to contribute and understand of how welfare state service satisfaction can influence the voting behaviour, especially in the time of austerity dissatisfaction but also a social one. Since in representative democracies there is that a possible dissatisfaction can lead to a decline of trust in political parties, the parliament or other political actors; this study is of high relevance as voting and trust are often seen as the fundamental parts of representative democracy (Cunningham, 2002; Held, 2006). In relation to support of governmental parties, active voting citizens are seen in representative democracies are seen as a supporter of the government’s policies and thus, legitimating its course of action. Non-supportive voters in contrast are seen as weakening the party actions and declining the legitimacy of party actions. To that end, the thesis will asks how welfareservice dissatisfaction affects various confounding variables as well as the dependent variable that is namely, being in support for the incumbent government as expressed
Despite the importance of the welfare mix approach and the relevance for modern welfare studies of studies based on this approach, the existing literature provides fragmented contributions that in turn are subject to the risks of providing only generic representations of welfare systems. To guarantee the robustness of this research stream and to realise the potential of the welfare mix ap- proach, this theoretical gap must be filled with clearly identified variables that can define the policy field bor- ders and capture the main features of welfare mixes with an effective methodological framework to analyse mod- ern welfare systems, which is what we provide in the following paragraphs. The assumptions that we derived from the extant literature are summarised in previous paragraphs: welfare mix is the best theoretical model for representing the structure of modern welfare systems; the most significant variables that define welfare mixes re- late to institutional arrangements and governance (alloca- tion of functions and responsibilities and decision-making processes) and in particular, regulation, provision, financing, resource allocation and inspiration of welfare systems; managing welfareservice provision means focusing not only on production models but also on service features and user needs. An analysis based on these premises should match qualitative information with evidence-based data. For this reason, our suggested framework adds a set of data to complete the qualitative description that can help repre- sent emerging welfare characteristics rather than declared ones for an in-depth analysis.
3.2Tables Ten and Eleven, which depict the case where income elasticities for all modes are set to zero, show that the assumption of traffic growth over time contributes substantially to the various NPV measures. Under no growth, the optimal fares and frequencies remain unchanged over time (subject to rounding errors). The result is that Producer Surplus maximisation and RCBA maximisation cannot show positive Social NPVs, given the particular values input into the model in this case study. This is because the lack of road traffic growth means there is no increase in congestion. It is also worth noting that the loss in social welfare from following Producer Surplus maximisation is reduced from £4.0 million (Table Two) to £2.9 million (Table Eleven) if there is zero traffic growth.
There was evidence that residents received timely access to health care services including support to attend out-patient appointments. The person in charge confirmed that a number of GPs were attending to the needs of residents in the centre, giving residents a choice of general practitioner. Residents' documentation reviewed by the inspector confirmed they had access to GP care including out-of-hours medical care. Some residents who lived in the locality were facilitated to retain the services of the GP they attended prior to their admission to the centre. Residents had good access to allied healthcare professionals. Physiotherapy occupational therapy, dietetic, speech and language therapy, dental, ophthalmology and podiatry services were available to residents as necessary. Community psychiatry of older age specialist services attended residents in the centre. This service supported GPs and staff with care of residents experiencing behavioural and psychological symptoms of dementia as needed.
organisation of the centre. Choice was respected and residents were asked how they wished to spend their day. Control over their daily life was also facilitated in terms of times of rising or returning to bed and whether they wished to stay in their room or spend time with others in the communal rooms. There was a residents’ committee in place and the last one had taken place on 17 October 2017. There was evidence that any issues raised by residents or requests made by them were acted upon. Residents spoken with by the inspector expressed a high level of satisfaction with the service they received and with living in the centre.
Households in developed countries typically have immediate access to as much water as they can afford. In the developing world, however, the supply of water is more haphazard. In many areas, households store up water when it arrives and consume out of their own inventories until they are re-supplied by truck or other means. In Onitsha, Nigeria, for example, an elaborate vending system involving tanker trucks supplying households with storage capabilities is used for those who do not have indoor plumbing. 2 In Accra, Ghana, a similar system is used with tanker trucks. Again, water deliveries are uncertain and households respond by storing water. 3 Even among households with piped water, there is often uncertainty about water availability. In the cities of Bandung and Jakarta Indonesia, residents store water in tanks called torens in response to unreliable municipal water service. When their tanks run empty, they pay for water to be delivered by trucks. In Lima, Peru, 48% of households receive water only during limited hours and supply interruptions are common. 4 In Mexico City, 32% of households report receiving water during only limited hours and most residents suffer routine supply interruptions. Indeed, some residents in the southern and southeastern portions of the city receive water less than once per week. 5 In these contexts uncertainty arises due to limited water availability at the source, mechanical failures, human error, and other factors.
EPUS recipients’ welfare can be influenced by subjective factors (e.g. educational level) according to the consumption economics theory. The recipient individuals with different educational level have different cognitive level for electricity, which causes the different individual welfare. The Subjective Well-being (SWB) is defined as the welfare induction, which recipient individual gets from the electricity under the influence of subjective factors (e.g. educational level). SWB embodies the satisfaction for improving their livelihood and beautifying their future life under the psychological effects. This literature from the angle of cultural poverty, focus on the subjective welfare resulting from the educational level differences and assumes that other subjective factors have no difference.
Arrangements were in place to support communications between the resident and family, and or the acute hospital and the centre. The person in charge or deputy visited prospective residents prior to admission. This arrangement gave the resident and or their family an opportunity to meet in person, provide information about the centre and assess or determine if the service could adequately meet the needs of the resident. Residents had a comprehensive nursing assessment on admission. The assessment process involved the use of validated tools to assess each resident’s dependency level, risk of malnutrition, falls and their skin integrity. In addition, an assessment using a validated tool of the level of cognitive impairment of residents admitted with a diagnosis of dementia was recorded and subject to regular review.
available. Not all residents attended, and some residents with dementia would not have the ability to take part. The provider also undertook surveys of family members about the quality of the service provided to their relatives, so they could advocate on their behalf. Feedback was positive, and some had taken the opportunities to give comments on areas they felt could be improved including monitoring room temperatures, reviewing activities and bus outings. Record showed these were being acted on by the provider and person in charge.
The inspector was satisfied that there were suitable arrangements in place to meet the health and nursing needs of residents with dementia. Residents were satisfied with the service provided. Residents had access to general practitioner (GP) services and out-of- hours medical cover was provided. A full range of other services was available on referral including speech and language therapy (SALT) and occupational therapy (OT) services. Physiotherapy services were available on site. Chiropody, dental and optical services were also provided. The inspector reviewed residents’ records and found that some residents had been referred to these services and results of appointments were written up in the residents’ notes.
continuous improvement so that residents have better, safer and more fulfilling lives. This provides assurances to the public, relatives and residents that a service meets the requirements of quality standards which are underpinned by regulations. Thematic inspections were developed to drive quality improvement and focus on a specific aspect of care. The dementia care thematic inspection focuses on the quality of life of people with dementia and monitors the level of compliance with the