This did not mean, however, that the Welsh intelligentsia‘s concern over the state of the Welsh language vanished or even declined. In fact, in the wake of the 1979 referendum, the Welsh intelligentsia‘s approach to general cultural identity had become both more practical and more searching, challenging the more idealistic and nationalist boundaries that had previously defined Welshness. No definitive answers were outlined in any of the above articles, but all were more open to a wider understanding of Welshidentity than was evident in the 1970s. That this widening appeared to be accompanied by the growth of confidence in the equality of Welsh and Welsh-language culture with that across the border in England is a development that reflects another impact of Thatcherism on the Welsh people. Through the forced self-reliance of Thatcherism, the Welsh confidence in themselves and their abilities increased slowly but steadily.
National identity in international news was also discussed by Curran and Park, who suggested that the nation-state remains centrally important (ibid, p.11). Yet, as argued in the previous chapter, Wales was part of a bigger nation-state and only regained much of its own political identity after devolution in 1999. The link – rightly or wrongly – with nationalism is also important. Analysis of early publications and, indeed, newspapers and many broadcasts up to the present day tend to fall into the “us” and “them” categories. Fiske (1994) rather disputes what might be found in this thesis, in that he argues that race and ethnicity, language and culture are not necessarily markers of nationhood. Yet Welsh journalists used the language to bring about political and religious change, to promote the forgotten culture of Wales and to underline the fact that the Welsh had a national identity. They were, indeed, setting the agenda, discussing matters which were important to the Welsh but had passed them by, for political reasons. Indeed, the use of Welsh as a journalistic language is significant. The theory of analytical empiricism implies that journalism is a “private language”. That might be the case in the early 21 st century for some publications where specific words are, possibly, over-used: ‘vow’ for promise, ‘axed’ for ended or terminated for instance. But could this be the case in the 18 th and 19 th centuries as far as Welsh journalism was concerned. This was, after all, a community which was unused to seeing its own language in print and probably had some difficulty in reading the text. Even up to the present day, there are language purists who object to the use of slang, though many broadcasts and items in more feature-led
The draft script written by John Gwilym Jones proved rather too complex for the fourteen- minute running time allowed by the CFF and so a number of incidents, including a scene at Sunday School, the protagonist performing several tasks around the farm and his going swimming in the sea with his friends, were all cut. The chronology was also made simpler. 28 The film was initially completed with an English-language commentary only, although the diegetic sound, including overheard background conversation, was in Welsh. Sam Jones seems to have campaigned to have a second soundtrack made with a Welsh-language commentary. George Mark Lloyd’s letter to him later that year referred to the Foundation agreeing to him ‘at last’ and mentions the ‘assistance of a Reverend Parry’, perhaps in providing the translation. 29 Sam Jones replied to say that he was ‘delighted to hear that a Welsh speaking version is being made and this is information I can pass on to cinema owners in north Wales in the Welsh areas’. 30 However, it was too late to change the title credits, which remained in English only.
language within the hospitality industry and its role in marketing; the presence of Welsh symbols as ‘tat’ within tourist shops within Porthcawl; the use of flags in supermarkets (the commodification of certain elements of Welshness) and of the celebrations and popular performances which took place in Porthcawl. My use of photography must be considered as distinctly amateur (Pauwels, 2000 in Pink, 2003:179), and much of it was done on a camera phone as trips to the supermarket turned into impromptu fieldwork. Although Pink (2003: 190), argues that the use of photography within ethnography should constitute more than ‘visual note taking’, this was precisely how I utilized photography within my fieldwork. Like Bourdieu, my use of photography, rather than being a profound human interaction (Pink, 2003:190) was often simply a substitute for a notepad (Schultheis et al, 2009, Sweetman, 2009) as I focused on condensation symbols of the nation and material objects. Photography, too, raised ethical issues of privacy and was governed by my position as insider. Whilst taking pictures of flags and other ‘condensation symbols’ was relatively unproblematic, I realized that cameras in pubs and bars are conspicuous by virtue of their relative obsolescence in today’s world of camera phones (I gradually transitioned to using my phone in order to be more inconspicuous) and taking photos of groups of strangers is liable to cause upset or conflict. When I did include people in my photos I always obtained consent and explained myself and the purpose of my research prior to taking the picture, and ensured I did not catch people off guard so as to not upset them. As with the rest of my thesis, people who appeared in my photographs (e.g. plate 10) were uniformly friendly and agreed for me to use their image 24 .
not jingoistic ridiculing – of Scottish and Welshidentity. Our unique cultures and languages are habitually erased in favour of an umbrella Englishness. To take a trivial example: the book and Twitter account Very British Problems portrays the British as socially awkward, Earl Grey-sipping Hugh Grant
The question of Welshidentity for the people of Wales did not have to be raised in the same way as it did for the English or for the French. Moreover, Welshidentity (or perhaps identities) is perceived ipso facto by the Welsh themselves and also by visitors to Wales. 38
Historically it has been English travellers in Wales who have observed the facets of Welshidentity – the language, the culture, and in some cases, the geography – before disseminating their newly-found information in printed books, such as George Borrow’s Wild Wales (1862). Here, Borrow (1803–1881) presents a romanticised account of his experiences while travelling through Wales; Borrow follows in the wake of other English writers at the time who idealised the Celtic unknown. Although such publications relied upon a literate audience in the nineteenth century (a fact that meant a knowledge of Wales and of ‘the Welsh’ were restricted to those who could read), an account published by Trevor Fishlock in 1972 suggests that the concept of Welshidentity was still not fully understood in England despite its neighbouring location. Fishlock, a writer who was sent to explore Wales in 1968, admits that he ‘knew nothing of [Wales’] history, [and] little of its geography. At school [he was] told that “Wales=coal”’ and nothing more. 39
In an effort to raise IL awareness and the Welsh Information Literacy Framework sector, project officers gave presentations at meetings which were attended by head and deputy heads from secondary schools within Conwy County Borough Council and with school library staff from various secondary schools in
Whether Welsh speakers face disadvantage when using the English language requires further exploration. Henley and Jones (2003) and May (2001) suggest that there are virtually no monolingual Welsh speakers in Wales and the population is bilingual. Whilst Davies (1994) argues that the ambilingual person, a person with equal proficiency in more than one language is relatively rare, Pavlenko (2005) suggests the problems this gives rise to in many bilingual contexts is likely to be limited. She distinguishes between compound and subordinate bilinguals. Compound bilinguals, like Welsh speakers, are those who tend to learn a language as they grow up. Subordinate bilingual are those who tend to learn a language later in life. Pavlenko (2005) identifies that compound bilinguals tend to have fewer problems in using two languages because they develop two lexical items that are attached to one representational system. Subordinate bilinguals on the other hand can experience problems because they tend to superimpose a new lexical system onto an existing representational system. Even if language difficulties do exist they may be surmountable. Many staff in public services are non-British nationals who do not have English as their first language. Communication difficulties can arise routinely in the context of a globalised world, but they are often surmounted when additional attention is paid to the issue of understanding.
Today, all adult speakers of Welsh are at least bilingual, either with English (in Wales) or with Spanish (in Argentina). This situation compli- cates what might otherwise be a straightforward dialect comparison between differing varieties of Welsh. Cross-linguistic influence from competing languages Spanish and English is entangled with other linguistic pressures, including effects of first language (L1) on second language (L2) speech, and historical language change as a result of con- tact. Teasing apart these intertwined factors is far beyond the scope of this paper, and it is sufficient for our purposes to acknowledge that multiple fac- tors exist, and that they likely influence the Welsh language in both regions. Recent work has used experimental methods and corpus analyses to in- vestigate the realization of sound contrasts in Ar- gentinean Welsh that are hypothesized to be sus- ceptible to influence from Spanish contact.
Community member’s attitudes towards their own language. Welsh is assessed as a grade 2, which means that some members value and support language maintenance, but the majority are either indifferent or against language maintenance and preservation. As mentioned eariler, the “change from above,” observed through Cymraeg 2050, is designed to encourage society to actively support the language preservation and revitalization efforts as well as to regard Welsh and English as equals. Various news articles report that parents prefer that their child(ren) only learn English due to it being the global language, while other articles report that parents prefer their child(ren) become bilingual in both Welsh and English. Figure 4 above also reflects the preferred language of communication across the younger to older generations, and it is clear that even though a percentage of people are fluent in Welsh, English remains as the overall prefered language of communication.
If you believe that the effect would be positive you must
consider how the policy could be changed so that the positive effect would be increased.
In order to facilitate the process and to ensure that the Welsh language is considered we have drawn up a Language Impact Assessment Tool and this should be
The data in this release presents information on applications by mode of study for students in Further Education. Previous releases have included information on Welsh Government Learning Grants awarded to students entering Higher Education prior to 2006/07. This data was collected from each Welsh Local Authority. Following the introduction of the new £2,700 Welsh Government Learning Grant in 2006/07, very few applications for WGLGs from Higher Education students have been processed by LAs and the numbers will continue to decrease in future years. Therefore it was decided before the 2007/08 publication, to discontinue the provisional data collection in line with the National Assembly protocol on Managing Respondent Load adopted in 2002 as part of the National Statistics Code of Practice. See below for information on WGLG HE.
What about other frameworks? It seems to me that it might well be possible to provide analyses within a transformational approach. It would presumably be possible to analyze cleft sentences as involving movement of an empty operator that is required to have the same category and, in the case of nominals, the same number and gender but not person as the clause-initial phrase. Identity bod would be no problem if one can stipulate that certain complements obligatorily undergo A ′-movement. With predicational bod it would be necessary to require deletion to apply to certain constituents in Spec CP, which is presumably possible in a transformational approach. It would also be necessary to ensure that the present tense of predicational bod has a special form when a PredP complement is fronted. This is presumably not a problem. It would probably also be possible to handle the facts considered in the last section.
This analysis captures the agreement facts adequately. It essentially equates the construction in (20)-(25) with some sort of partitive. Welsh does in fact also have a partitive numeral construction, as shown in (33), but it is not clear whether the existence of this construction has any bearing on the plausibility of the two-tier analysis for the bare numeral-noun construction under discussion here. Note that in the partitive construction the nominal is plural. In many contexts, there seems to be little semantic difference between the numeral-noun and the partitive numeral construction.
The study was undertaken in two discrete data generation phases separated by a transition period to undertake interim analysis informing phase 1. The second phase was followed by a final process evaluation examining the impact of the study and its output data on the NHS health board recipients. The study sample comprised two acute hospital sites from each of the six Welsh health boards. A sample size of 5000 records was calculated based on the incidence of harm found in previous studies.