This article has challenged the key arguments of the dominant economic approach to press history. Economic scholars, such as Schütz, Pürer and Raabe, have argued that the daily press underwent a period of concentration between 1954 and 1976 and stabilised between 1976 and 1985. 89 However, concentration was not as significant in the 1970s as it had been in the 1960s. The change in the number of ‘publicistic units’ after 1974 was marginal. 90 The region- al changes of reader-, advertising- and newspaper-markets, the emergence of new editions, the development of the alternative press and the thematic focus of the daily press underline that the WestGerman daily press regionalized between 1974 and 1982. This regionalisation cut across the ‘left’ and ‘right’ divide. Herbert Kremp and Michael Sontheimer, the then leading editors and journalists of Die Welt and taz, as well as other editors encouraged their journal- ists to target the region in new ways. After 1974, regional editions went up from 1222 in 1974 to 1255 in 1983 and the overall circulation of the press increased to unprecedented heights in 1982 with more than 25.1 million copies per day according to the IVW. The emergence of several new regional metropolitan press clusters became a distinctive characteristic of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s and 1980s that contrasted with the more central- ised press markets of the UK and France.
The squared coefficient of variation, γ, shows the de- gree to which cohorts in the East and the West were more selected during the 1980s and 1990s. Figure 4 shows that on average, cohort survivors in the East were homogeneously more robust than the same birth cohorts in the West. This is more pronounced among women than men and seems to be a result of stronger mortality selection of German men during the twentieth century. We observe a decline of γ for men only for the years after the German reunification. The squared coefficient of variation for women starts to fall already before reuni- fication and converges to the West level at the end of the 1990s. Note that the 90% confidence intervals for γ in the East and West overlap for almost all populations (Fig. 4). On one hand, this suggests that the degree of heterogeneity in the respective East and WestGerman cohorts is comparable. The wide confidence bounds, though, are an artifact of the small number of survivors to the oldest ages, especially for East German cohorts before the reunification. Note also that γ-values esti- mated for individual cohorts (rather than a mortality surface) are lower than the true γ as the uni-dimensional model is not able to capture age-specific mortality improvements as a cohort ages [29, 35].
was "not altogether welcome" because it would "increase our already formidable difficulties in getting our own expenditure met", Butler revealed his own feelings on the issue. He commented: "in deciding this question more weight should be given to political and military than to financial and economic considerations...! should like to see German industry partly occupied in this way, rather than in competing in our m arkets".^ Thus, when Eden outlined the current difficulties over the German financial contribution to the Cabinet on 15 November, Butler did not present the case for delay. Eden warned that the raising of a 12 division German army was bound to give rise to a gap between the amount the Germans were willing to spend on defence and the combined costs of the occupation and their own military build up. The gap could be reduced either by additional American aid, by a smaller WestGerman contribution, or by reducing the size of the British occupation forces. These solutions were all flawed, either on the grounds of practicality or desirability. The immediate issue for the Cabinet to decide was whether to proceed with negotiations. The Germans would inevitably argue "that they should pay for their forces and we for ours". However, entering negotiations was, Eden suggested, the best way in which to utilise American influence to secure the maximum possible German financial contribution. The Cabinet were remarkably sanguine when confronted with this sombre analysis. The Mutual Aid Committee had estimated that the likely size of the financial gap, on even the most optimistic assumptions, would be approximately DM8 milliard or £700 million up to 1954. Ministers responded by asserting that these were only "rough estimates" and would probably prove "excessive". A sub-committee including Butler, Salisbury and Cherwell was established and reported on 17 November that the best policy would be to begin negotiations on the subject of the German financial contribution to defence "at an early date". They noted that a slow down in the German build up might help postpone the problem but added that "open advocacy of such a course would be politically most undesirable". The Cabinet accepted the case for the immediate opening of negotiations with equanimity, but instructed Eden to make it clear to the other participants that
The Germans in “Pilot stirbt im Cockpit: Passagier landet Flugzeug sicher” create an unbridgeable divide between Germany and America. They do not consider anything about the newspaper clipping that has migrated across the Atlantic with Fred (bringing racial violence back across the Atlantic along with it) because this violence would be American. This demonstrates that Germans miss the point: it is precisely the endless repetition of this narrative that creates the problem of recurrent violent histories that are built upon fascism and racism. This repetition is not just of Fred’s story, but indicative of the socio-historical feedback loop between the US and Germany. The effects of this loop emerge when the image of the lynching gets into the text and transforms the narrative and Fred’s history. Subversive consumption of Fred Grant’s story makes a violent, oppressed past audible in the present. Uncovering the “hidden” racism lurking in this story is crucial for envisioning and constituting a counter-public because racism, Gilroy argues, can provide a stabilizing force to secure a precarious position. 61 The racist ideologies imported into West Germany alongside colportage, as argued above, reveal what Gilroy analyzes as “the importance of ritual brutality in structuring modern, civilised [sic] life.” 62 Brutality from American culture and politics has found its way into WestGerman culture. But that American racism seeps into German popular culture through media does not indicate something new in Germany. Americanized popular media did not import racism into Germany. Germans always had their own instances of racism. Anti-racist positions were only possible by not blindly following, or adopting, narratives circulating in media. But unfortunately, the solution is
During the 1987 elections – 10 months after the Chernobyl disaster and despite severe tensions between the orthodox and moderate party factions – the Greens could increase their vote share to 8.3%. A major success was the formation of a coalition with the social democrats in Hesse and the first entry into a state government. The German reunification in 1989 and the subsequent Bundestag election in December 1990 were an ambivalent experience for the party: on the one hand they started cooperating with the East German civil rights party B¨ undnis 90, on the other hand it was only for this cooperation and a one-time exception in the electoral law that the Greens remained in parliament. While the WestGerman branch of Die Gr¨ unen only received 4.8%, its East German counterpart attained 6.1% and thus managed to cross the 5% hurdle at least in one part of the reunified country. The Greens’ focus on environmental topics and the deliberate neglect of current issues such as the unification severely backfired in this case (Probst, 2013). The 1990 alliance was formally turned into an association in January 1993 and the party changed its name officially to B¨ undnis 90/Die Gr¨ unen. Figure 1 depicts the evolution of the German Green party using their vote shares in German Federal elections.
The use of a discount present value method indicates that there is a discrepancy between the real cost of aid to the donors and their reported nominal aid totals. However, Canadian aid has been predominantly in the forms of grants and soft loans, which entailed a greater burden than that borne by West Germany, which extended its aid primarily in the form of hard loans. In order to bring the WestGerman contribution up to that of Canada there must be a substan tial increase in grants and a softening of terms in the WestGerman aid programme.
The level of the outmigration rates experienced by the western regions remains fairly stable over time for all departure regions (cf. Figures 2,4-8). This suggests that the rel- ative attractiveness of the WestGerman Länder is changing little over the period under study. The only strong ’outliers’ in addition to Berlin (most visible for Brandenburg as shown in Figure 8) are the outmigration rates from Thüringen to Hessen during 1989 and 1990 where the rates are below those of Baden-Württemberg and Nordrhein-Westfalen (cf. Figure 4), and from Mecklenburg-Vorpommern to Hamburg which receives more migrants over time (cf. Figure 5). Looking at potential determinants of the migration dis- tribution by region, we note that unemployment rates and wages by region — as shown in Figures 9 and Figure 10 — display a similarly stable ordering over time that is consistent with the outmigration distribution pattern.
the Asiatic Federation, the latter two operating in a loose alliance against the former. Taken off course by a strange jamming signal, Rhodan’s team encounter an alien spaceship from the planet Arkonide on the moon surface. The Arkonides have long dominated the Milky Way but are now a civilization in decline and are searching for other inhabited planets further away to revive their race. Rhodan strikes a deal with the Arkonide commander and returns to earth, landing in the Gobi desert in order to prevent the Arkonides’ technological superiority from falling into the hands of any of the existing blocks. From there, protected by an anti-neutron shield, Rhodan attempts to establish a neutral Third Power. He succeeds, avoiding nuclear Armageddon and founding a single nation for all mankind, named Terra, but the multi-block struggle nevertheless continued in perpetuity across other planets and solar systems. That two Germans would write of an American protagonist in this way is very much an emblem of the Americanisation of WestGerman society after 1945. Only an American, in their eyes, could possess the belief in a better future and overcome the grim realities of a divided world. Rhodan therefore represented rugged individualism, male heroics, decisive leadership – and the power of imagination to overcome all obstacles. In 1986, the year before Rust’s flight, a jubilee edition of the first twenty-five years of Perry Rhodan was produced by the Moewig publishing house. It was also the year of the Reagan- Gorbachev summit in Reykjavik in October, which promised much for a new era of détente, but ultimately seemed to bring few results. Rust was apparently so dismayed by this outcome that he aimed to carry out his own Perry-Rhodan daredevil escapade, bypassing governments, transgressing borders, and disrupting the established order, just like the American astronaut-hero had done. By flying to Moscow he would create an “imaginary bridge” between West and East, setting himself up as an emissary of peace. At his Moscow trial he responded to the charge that he had offended the Soviet people by apologizing but also declaring “I believe that the promotion of world peace and understanding between our peoples justifies this flight.” 20 For this purpose he had written a twenty-page text with the
Only in 1968 did the Turkish state’s interest in the education and national identification of its nationals abroad truly begin to move beyond general advocacy, in part because of concerns regarding return amid growing internal unrest. Amid multiple boycotts and demonstrations, students in Turkey had “gotten their arms up” and, according to the WestGerman Embassy’s Cultural Report on Turkey for 1968, “there was increased xenophobia directed particularly against American influence.” That sentiment was part of international movements against the Vietnam War and in protest of American Imperialism. According to the WestGerman Embassy in Ankara, however, the students’ part in the unrest stemmed predominately from frustration due to limited seats in secondary and vocational institutions. The Turkish government promised some reforms, but given continued resource shortages, there was local and international skepticism over whether these would take place. 162 The government was still committed to developing the primary school track, which made commitment to secondary and technical schools, as well as college and university tracks, difficult. The population was exploding and rural to urban migration was straining the schools in the cities. Instead of building vocational schools, the Turkish state was still trying to fight illiteracy among the youth. Consequently, private colleges
material interest 353 in preserving the relationship with Turkey in these documents which had to serve as objective evaluations. However, looking at the sensitive issue which was not to be mentioned in meetings between WestGerman and Turkish politicians 354 , it is clear that international relations impacted the case of the Christian minorities in the Federal Republic. Comparing the German embassies’ and the AA’s statements demonstrates that the AA used arguments to deny political persecution whereas the embassies hoped to stop emigration from Turkey as such. However, both contributed to the contestation of the case of Christian asylum seekers from Turkey because they indirectly shielded the Turkish government from being confronted with human rights abuses directed at the Christian minorities (at least cri- tique could not be based on their evaluation) and thus helped to maintain a positive relation between the two countries. Their reports got increasingly publicly contested, reflecting the struggle between the different actors over the “interpretation of reality” 355 . This was also