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Scrambling of Wh-phrases in Japanese

Scrambling of Wh-phrases in Japanese

Second, given the inherent semantic difference between wh-phrases and non-wh-phrases, it suffices to bring this difference to bear directly on the grammatical difference between (7b) and (7c), instead of supposing that the moved phrases occupy different positions. This point is particularly worth entertaining in light of the very similar syntactic distribution of wh-phrases and non-wh-phrases observed elsewhere. In other words, it cannot be excluded that the wh- phrase in (7b) in fact occupies the same position as the o-marked non-wh-phrase in (7c), and the grammatical contrast between them is due to some other independent reason.
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The Syntax of Wh Questions in Gichuka

The Syntax of Wh Questions in Gichuka

In 18(d), The wh phrase appears in the intermediate position. This is the intermediate strategy. In this strategy, the wh phrase moves to a position immediately after the subject of the sentence. The focus marker “ni” is added just as in the case of full wh movement. However, if the focus marker is not added to the wh phrase after the movement, the question becomes ungrammatical as shown 18(e).

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Biologically Relevant Universality of Move F in Wh Questions

Biologically Relevant Universality of Move F in Wh Questions

According to the theory of Move mentioned by Chomsky in 7) and 8), in 3) the [+wh] feature of the wh-phrase “which book” is an unchecked feature and thus this feature enters into a checking relation with a sublabel of K as a result of the movement operation. The [+wh] feature of the wh-phrase “which book” ac- tually enters into a checking relation with the specifier [+wh] feature of the head C in CP position. In the checking process, Move F automatically carries along the FF (F) formal feature of the lexical item the wh-phrase “which book”. The category DP “which book” containing F the [+wh] feature of the wh-phrase “which book” pied-pipes with F only as deeded for convergence. The category DP “which book” containing F the [+wh] feature of the wh-phrase “which book” pied-pipes with F into spec CP to check the specifier [+wh] feature of the head. And only when the category DP “which book” containing F the [+wh] feature of the wh-phrase “which book” is raised into spec CP, the specifier [+wh] feature of the head can be checked. The [+wh] feature of the category DP “which book” containing F the [+wh] feature of the wh-phrase “which book” agrees with the specifier [+wh] feature of the head and thus the specifier [+wh] feature of the head is checked. As the specifier [+wh] feature of the head is uninterpretable, once it is checked it is deleted and does not enter into LF. The derivation con- verges and the sentence is grammatical. In the Chinese sentence 5), however, only pure feature movement is required. In 5) as the specifier [+wh] feature of the head is weak, the FF (F) feature is not carried along with Move F. While in English the specifier [+wh] feature of the head is strong, the FF (F) features of the category DP “which book” must be carried along with Move F. There are four types of features as shown below [18]:
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Prosody and processing of wh-in-situ questions in standard Persian

Prosody and processing of wh-in-situ questions in standard Persian

Processing conversational speech is an integral part of language processing. Listeners utilize any source of information that can facilitate the processing of conversation (Grosjean, 1983, 1996). Prosody is one of the multiple sources of information available in the processing of conversational speech. Grosjean’s (1983, 1996) studies suggest that the role of prosody in processing becomes prominent in the absence of other sources of information, such as syntactic information regarding the clause type. In a normal conversation, the questioner raises a question with the purpose of eliciting a response from the addressee. The interlocutors who are engaged in a conversation rarely leave gaps between exchanges (Brazil, 1981; Sacks, 2004; Sacks, Schegloff, & Jefferson, 1974; Schegloff, 2006; Stivers, Enfield, Brown, Englert, Hayashi, Heinemann, Hoymann, Rossano, De Ruiter, Yoon, & Levinson, 2009). The implication here is that listeners draw on past and present information to process the sentence up to the point uttered by the speaker, as well as to predict upcoming events. In the absence of the syntactic interrogativity device in sentence initial position, prosody can aid the listener in predicting the sentence type and start the process of preparing a response. This suggests that prosody can cue the perception of wh-in-situ questions before the occurrence of the wh-phrase. Furthermore, several studies have indicated that language users may have implicit knowledge about the relationship between prosody and syntax, and are capable of using this knowledge to guide linguistic choices (e.g. Carlson, Clifton, & Frazier, 2001; Snedeker & Trueswell, 2003).
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Wh-islands in degree questions: A semantic approach

Wh-islands in degree questions: A semantic approach

Referentiality (or related notions such as d-linking or specificity) have been at the heart of most syntactic theories of wh-islands. However, the exact nature of the notion ‘referentiality’ or ‘d-linking’ assumed has been always controversial (cf. Rullmann 1995, Cresti 1995, Szabolcsi & Zwarts 1993, among others). The applicability of the notions of referentiality or specificity has been questioned, since even though wh-questions can range over individuals, it is unclear in what sense the wh-phrase itself can be understood as being able to have a referential index (as in Rizzi 1990) or a [ + specific] feature (as in Starke 2001). The notion of d-linking is less problematic from a semantic point of view, as it simply requires that the range of felicitous answers to a question be limited to a contextually salient set. The problem with this notion however, as discussed in Kroch 1989, is that it fails to distinguish properly the island-sensitive and the island-insensitive items, as the first type usually also comes with a contextually defined domain restriction. Further, it has been argued (cf. Heycock 1995, Rullmann 1995, Cresti 1995, Fox 1995, Beck 1996) that the two readings of amount questions arise from the different scopal positions of the existential quantifier in them. But this means that to describe the difference between the wide and the narrow scope construal of amount questions, the notion of referentiality is not adequate.
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Strategies of wh-coordination

Strategies of wh-coordination

That CMWQs in adjunct CMWQ languages are bi-clausal is also suggested by the typological generalization (already mentioned in Section 4.2.) that small coordination is only observed in multiple fronting languages. Since adjunct CMWQ languages are not multiple fronting, they cannot form their CMWQs via small coordination. The latter point can be made even more strongly for one of the three adjunct CMWQ languages, Italian, as Haida & Repp (in press) rightly point out. Since this language cannot form multiple questions of any sort, including cases where some wh-phrase appears in situ (Calabrese 1984), the option that two wh-phrases originate in one and the same clause does not arise for this language (but see Moro 2011 for possible counterarguments). Yet, CMWQs with coordinated adjuncts can be formed without a problem:
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When is a wh-in-situ question identified in Persian?

When is a wh-in-situ question identified in Persian?

Wh-phrases in Mandarin Chinese wh-questions appear in the same position as their non-interrogative counter- part in statements (Gryllia et al., 2016 September). According to Gryllia et al. (2016 September), F0, duration and intensity differentiate wh-in-situ questions from declaratives in Mandarin Chinese. They ran a gating experiment to investigate whether prosody cues identifi- cation of the clause type (declarative vs. wh-in-situ ques- tions) before the appearance of the wh-phrase. They found that listeners could indeed identify the sentence type based on prosody from the first gate on, i.e. response accuracy to declaratives and questions was 59.6% and 64.6%, respectively. The authors suggested that listeners drew on F0 and duration to decide on the sentence type. In a production study on Mandarin Chinese wh-in-situ questions, Yang (2018) reported that Mandarin Chinese wh-in-situ questions in which the wh-phrase is preceded by “ dianr ” can have an interrogative and a non-interroga- tive interpretation. The production experiment showed that prosodic features differentiate the declarative interpretation from the question interpretation: a) the pre-wh part in wh-questions has a shorter duration than declaratives, and b) the post-wh part in wh-ques- tions has a higher pitch but a smaller F0 range in com- parison to the post-wh part in declaratives. Following the production study, Yang (2018) conducted a gating experiment to investigate at what point prosody cues identification of sentence type. In this experiment, only the part of the sentence preceding the wh-phrase was presented. The results showed that listeners can identify the intended sentence type at the first gate, i.e. response accuracy is 59.0% for declaratives and 54.6% for ques- tions. The response accuracy increases to 72.1% for declaratives and 62.1% for questions upon the presen- tation of the last gate (pre-wh part).
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Unveiling multiple  wh - free relative clauses and their functional  wh -words

Unveiling multiple wh - free relative clauses and their functional wh -words

‘Today Mom prepared what Grandma will take at its appropriate time in the next weeks.’ This sentence would be used in a context like the following. Imagine Grandma is getting worried about having a lot of medication to take, at different times of the day, and having it all mixed up. To put her mind at ease, Mom prepared Grandma’s morning and evening medication for the next few weeks, putting it in separate boxes so that Grandma doesn’t get confused. In this context, it is clear that for each medicine Mom prepared, there is an appropriate/unique time for it to be taken. Crucially, (18) cannot mean that today Mom prepared what Grandma will take at some random/non-unique time in the next weeks, with the wh-phrase când ‘when’ acting as an existentially quantified expression. Nor can it mean that today Mom prepared what Grandma will take at that one specific time in the next weeks, with când acting as a free pronoun over instances whose reference is contextually determined. Both these meanings are logically possible and natural. In fact, they can be conveyed by a single wh-FR with an indefinite (‘sometime next week’) or a referential (‘on Sunday’) temporal expression in place of ‘when’, as shown in (19).
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Wh-Scope Marking Construction in Dakkhini

Wh-Scope Marking Construction in Dakkhini

The relation between the wh-element in the matrix clause and the wh-element in the embedded clause has been discussed in literature. The first analysis of such construction came from Riemsdijk (1983) and McDaniel (1989). This approach is known as direct dependency approach. There is a direct link between the wh-expletive and the true wh- element. The wh-element in the matrix clause is semantically empty so it is called wh-expletive. Both the wh-expletive and the wh-phrase form a single wh-chain. Matrix wh-element is the unmarked wh- element of the language. It is replaced at LF by embedded wh-element.
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A Phase Based Account of Wh Questions in Standard Arabic

A Phase Based Account of Wh Questions in Standard Arabic

with the specifier r-rajulu to form a v' which is a split category. Now v is a phase head because it has an external thematic argument r-rajulu; hence, v is a probe. v probes for a local goal and finds maðaa; v agrees with and assigns accusative case to maðaa. In Chomsky’s model, it is assumed that just as C can have an edge feature which attracts a wh-expression, the light transitive v (by virtue of being a phasal head like C), can have an edge feature attracting maðaa to become the second (outer) specifier of vP as in (9) above. This means that a head can have multiple specifiers (Chomsky, 1998, 16). Now vP is a phase; its complement the VP will undergo transfer, the null copies of the moved constituents will be given a null spellout. The derivation continues by merging vP with T forming a TP. T is a probe, it searches for a goal within its c-commanding domain; there are two possible goals maðaa and r-rajulu. However, according to Chomsky once the case of a goal has been valued and deleted as is the case with maðaa, the goal becomes inactive for agreement with or attraction by a head like T. Of course not to forget that T in SA doesn’t have an EPP feature to trigger movement. However, maðaa intervenes between T and r-rajulu. At this point, we can follow Boeckx (2007, 83) in assuming that a D like maðaa with an already valued case feature becomes transparent for T, i.e., T can see through maðaa and locates r-rajulu as the closest active goal. T agrees with and assigns nominative case to the DP r-rajul-u. However, r-rajulu remains in situ since T in SA lacks an EPP feature. Since T is strong and affixal, it attracts the movement of the complex V+v to check the tense feature and provide a host for it. 5 3 TP is not a
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Phonological Suppression of Anaphoric Wh-expressions in English and Korean

Phonological Suppression of Anaphoric Wh-expressions in English and Korean

One thing worth noting is the referentiality of the wh-expression that is phonologically suppressed in the second conjunct clause of (18) and (20). It seems that there is no disagreement about the wh-expression that is part of clausal ellipsis in (18). It is construed as an E-type pronoun, as found in the similar structural context of (8a-b) in English. Several linguists that I consulted about (20) also claimed that the phonologically suppressed wh-expression in the second conjunct clause of (20) is only interpreted as an E-type pronoun. However, I concur with Chung's (2013) report that the phonologically suppressed wh-expression nwu- ka 'who' in the second conjunct clause of (20) allows for sloppy-identity interpretation. In our analysis, the wh-expression nwu-ka 'who' in the second conjunct clause of (20) changes into an empty pronoun that is construed as a sloppy- identity one in the interpretive component. Note at this point that the size of phonological suppression is critical for the interpretation of the pronoun which is vehicle changed from the wh-expression. In (18), the pronoun is part of clausal ellipsis, allowing for E-type interpretation. In (20), by contrast, the pronoun is a null argument, allowing for sloppy-identity interpretation in addition to E-type interpretation. As suggested above for English, the domain of existential closure and parallelism in ellipsis come into play, distinguishing the pronoun in (18) and that in (20) in terms of interpretational aspects.
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Complementiser Phrase: The Case of English Wh-Embedded Clauses

Complementiser Phrase: The Case of English Wh-Embedded Clauses

The third research question was: What is the Role of Proficiency in the Acquisition of English Wh-Embedded Clauses? The general proficiency level of the participants, which was determined based on their performance in Oxford Quick Placement Test, put them into three groups of lower intermediate, intermediate, and upper intermediate. The results obtained in the present study showed that proficiency was a significant factor in translation and grammaticality judgment tests with a very large effect size in both tests. Nevertheless, proficiency did not operate as a significant factor in the oral reproduction test where there were no noticeable differences between the three groups of participants. From a psycholinguistic perspective, we can argue that when second language learners are struggling to construct simultaneously the content and form of their speech, usually they focus on content more than form. A good support for this claim is probably what Kaplan (2010, p. 68) suggests as limited capacity model which says when learners are considering other problems in oral language production, it is very difficult for them to focus on form. Meanwhile, if learners are not fully proficient in L2 oral production, usually the basic grammatical points, like auxiliary inversion, are more observed by the speakers than the fact that auxiliary inversion is unnecessary in wh-embedded clauses. To sum up, global proficiency in English language seems to play a significant role in the acquisition of English wh-embedded clauses. However, as argued above, its significance fluctuates in different task types according to the mental processes associated with each task.
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Wh- Relative Pronouns in English: Predicativity Versus Virtuality

Wh- Relative Pronouns in English: Predicativity Versus Virtuality

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to provide a systematic study of the functioning of wh-pronouns. The idea of their unity in the 'Tongue' Domain stands for us as a major requirement. The occurrence of whoever, whatever, whichever, and wh (o)/(ich) with their antecedents results from a systematicity built in the deep structure of language. The approach adopted in this study opposes a simple description of the linear sequencing of words in language to the potential significate in the Tongue domain, because the observable or the effects of sense have consequence on the mental representation of language. The system of wh-pronouns is mainly based on two concepts: 'predicativity' and 'virtuality'. These two constructs will be shown to underly the functioning of the wh-pronouns in English.
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Phrase based Unsupervised Machine Translation with Compositional Phrase Embeddings

Phrase based Unsupervised Machine Translation with Compositional Phrase Embeddings

show that simply using sum of individual word embeddings can produce reasonable phrase em- beddings. This eliminates the need of having huge n-gram vocabulary that might be hard to learn and use in unsupervised bilingual mapping. It also al- lows to obtain embeddings for arbitrary phrases as opposite to using predefined limited set of phrases. This paper is organized as follows: In Sec- tion 2 we describe our unsupervised translation system baseline. Section 3 describes our ap- proach to computing phrase embeddings for arbi- trary phrases for UMT. In Section 4 we describe our experiments for compositional phrase embed- dings standalone and in context of UMT. Section 5 concludes the work.
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Syntactic Constraints on Phrase Extraction for Phrase Based Machine Translation

Syntactic Constraints on Phrase Extraction for Phrase Based Machine Translation

The main problem of such a phrase pair ex- traction procedure is the resulting phrase transla- tion table is very large, especially when a large quantity of parallel data is available. This is not desirable in real application where speed and memory consumption are often critical concerns. In addition, some phrase translation pairs are generated from training data errors and word alignment noise. Therefore, we need to filter the phrase table in an appropriate way for both effi- ciency and translation quality (Johnson et al., 2007; Yang and Zheng, 2009).

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Using Machine Learning Techniques to Interpret WH questions

Using Machine Learning Techniques to Interpret WH questions

We describe a set of supervised ma- chine learning experiments centering on the construction of statistical mod- els of WH-questions. These models, which are built from shallow linguis- tic features of questions, are employed to predict target variables which repre- sent a user’s informational goals. We report on different aspects of the pre- dictive performance of our models, in- cluding the influence of various training and testing factors on predictive perfor- mance, and examine the relationships among the target variables.

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Phrases. Prepositional Phrase

Phrases. Prepositional Phrase

preposition, but belows or belowing are not possible forms of below. Prepositions are combined with a noun, noun phrase (a phrase acting as a noun), or pronoun (any of which acting as the object of the preposition) to create a prepositional phrase.

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DEFINITION OF CLAUSE AND PHRASE:

DEFINITION OF CLAUSE AND PHRASE:

The second clause has a subject and a verb (Mary broke) but it can’t stand on its own. It depends on another clause to give it meaning. It is easy to hear dependent clauses if you read them out loud. After an independent clause, you will feel relaxed, like an idea is complete, but after a dependent clause, you will still be waiting; you will have unanswered questions. What happened because Mary broke the cellphone? The idea isn’t complete. This is why it is dependent. If you still have questions after hearing a group of words, chances are you are dealing with a dependent clause (or a phrase).
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Maximum Entropy Based Phrase Reordering for Hierarchical Phrase Based Translation

Maximum Entropy Based Phrase Reordering for Hierarchical Phrase Based Translation

The hierarchical phrase-based (HPB) model (Chi- ang, 2005; Chiang, 2007) has been widely adopted in statistical machine translation (SMT). It utilizes synchronous context free grammar (SCFG) rules to perform translation. Typically, there are three types of rules (see Table 1): phrasal rule, a phrase pair consisting of consecutive words; hierarchical rule, a hierarchical phrase pair consisting of both words and variables; and glue rule, which is used to merge phrases serially. Phrasal rule captures short distance reorderings within phrases, while hierar- chical rule captures long distance reorderings be-
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VARIATION IN ENGLISH AND IGBO WH-WORDS: A MINIMALIST APPROACH

VARIATION IN ENGLISH AND IGBO WH-WORDS: A MINIMALIST APPROACH

Last Resort principle is based on the assumption that operations are driven by necessity. Radford (1997) says that Last Resort “is a principle that grammatical operations do not apply unless they have to as only way of satisfying some grammatical requirement” (p.264). He gave an example where “do-support” is used in questions only as a last resort, that is, where there is no auxiliary in the structure which can undergo inversion. Last Resort is, therefore, a condition on movement. Last Resort violates the principle of procrastinate which prefers derivation that holds off on movement until after spell-out. When movement is the last resort for grammaticality, such movement takes place before spell-out thus violating the presence of procrastinate for grammatical purposes. The movement of WH-operator into spec-CP for instance, is last resort to have the interrogative specifier – feature carried by COMP checked before erasing them since specifier features are interpretable.
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