Studies of vulnerability have typically focused on species rather than ecological functions , and often overlook abundance distributions among species [21,41]. In addition, the assumption that functional diversity in wilderness areas, seen as a reference, is not buffered against extinction owing to relatively high func- tional vulnerability has never been tested. Here, we filled this gap by assessing the baseline functional vulnerability of fish assemblages to fishing in some of the most isolated coral reef ecosystems across the Indo-Pacific. We found that even in the near-absence of fishing and considering species abundance, most FEs remain highly vulnerable in each wilderness ecosys- tem because species diversity is overwhelmingly packed into a small set of FEs, leaving most FEs with no redundancy or func- tional insurance. Importantly, functional sensitivity and functional redundancy are independently distributed among the combinations of traits. As such, redundancy is seldom com- pensating for the high sensitivity of some traits, the most sensitive ones often having no redundancy.
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vides additional support to the idea that older fires constrain the spread of newer fires by act- ing as barriers, or perhaps suggests that the size and shape of the study area and its fires predisposes the landscape to produce less re- burn than expected by chance. Certainly the abundance of small (40 ha to 121 ha) re-burn patches (versus randomized) can be explained by the propensity of shared edges to intertwine in nature in ways that cannot be duplicated in random redistributions of large fire polygons. Conversely, the results for the Selway-Bitter- root Wilderness Area show that fires are gener- ally smaller, and that the observed numbers and sizes of re-burn patches are nearly identi- cal to what would be expected if fires were randomly distributed across the landscape. Local fire managers attribute the recent legacy of smaller fires to a relatively long history of fire use (G. Weldon, US Forest Service, per- sonal communication), yet our data show that fires have interacted infrequently in the Sel- way-Bitterroot Wilderness Area in comparison with the other two wilderness areas. If previ- ous fire is indeed constraining subsequent fire in the Selway-Bitterroot Wilderness Area, we would expect to see fewer, smaller re-burns and less re-burned area than modeled, as was observed in the Frank Church Wilderness Area. An alternative explanation might be that the fires that are currently occurring in the Selway- Bitterroot Wilderness Area are constrained by older fire scars that are outside of the time pe- riod of this study and whose influence cannot be determined. This landscape may still be re- covering from the fires in the early- to mid- 1900s, when much of the area burned and re- burned, and the current fuels may not be pre- disposed to large fires. In any case, the fire in- teractions in the Selway-Bitterroot Wilderness Area are unexpectedly different in many ways from the Frank Church and Bob Marshall wil- derness areas, and deserve further exploration.
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Uncertainty associated with fire-scar reconstructions of historical fire occurrence has led to questioning both estimates of frequency derived from these methods and the inferences on fire regimes drawn from these estimates. Using information from multiple, naturally-occurring fires (referred to as wildland fire use (WFU) fires) in two Sierra Nevada wilderness areas, we identified forest structural, topographic, and fire characteristics influencing fire scarring in trees and conducted direct comparisons of fire-scar reconstructed fire extent and frequency to fire atlas-based estimates of fire extent and frequency. The most important factor influencing the probability of sampled Pinus jeffreyi trees scarring from WFU fires was the length of time since previous fire. When intervals between successive fires are short, probabilities of scarring were low. Tree basal area and aspect were also significant factors explaining observed pattern of tree scarring. In all WFU fires but one, the reconstructed extent of fires was substantially smaller than the fire atlas extent. As a result, fire-scar reconstructed estimates of fire rotation were much longer than fire atlas fire rotation. This information can provide some necessary insight in interpreting and accounting for uncertainty in fire-scar reconstructions for drier low- to mid-elevation forest types throughout the western United States.
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High-quality wilderness accounts for 4.3% of total land area of mainland China, mainly distributed in Qiangtang, Altun Mountains, Hoh Xil, Taklamakan Desert, and Lop Nur. Relatively-high-quality wilderness accounts for 12.4% of total land area, mainly distributed in the northern Tibet Autonomous region, southern Xinjiang Autonomous region, Western Qinghai Province and Western Inner Mongolia Autonomous region. Together these high-quality and relatively-high-quality wilderness areas are mainly distributed in Western China. Policies restricting land-use alternations, construction of artificial infrastructures and human activities with negative effects on landscapes could be implemented in these regions so as to preserve the wilderness value and characteristics for future generations.
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Certain Parties including Australia and New Zealand already have domestic legislation relating to Subantarctic wilderness areas through the World Heritage listing of their Subantarctic islands (Keys, 1999). Other Parties, such as the United States, have domestic legislation in place in order to protect and manage wilderness regions in the Arctic. The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge was the impetus for adoption of the first Wilderness Act of the United States in 1964 (Yarnold, 2014), in which wilderness is defined as having four qualities – being untrammelled, natural, undeveloped and offering outstanding
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(1982, p.308), he writes, and prophesies that the founders of this great new civilization will, like Romulus and Remus, suckled by the wolf, ―draw their nourishment and vigor from the same wild source,‖ as have ―the founders of every State that has risen to eminence‖ (p.309). He also romanticizes aspects of indigenous occupation of wild lands, specifically, how the Hottentots of Southwest Africa and some North American Indians ate the raw marrow of the koodoo antelope and Arctic reindeer respectively, arguing, ―Give me a wildness whose glance no civilization can endure,—as if we lived on the marrows of koodoos devoured raw‖ (ibid). The sublime as the thrilling terror of wild beasts and landscapes threatening human mortality now turns into the thrill in the primal power of surviving this wilderness by overcoming them, and thereby partaking in this wildness—in the thrill of the kill and the devouring of raw meat. At the same time, he encourages the encroachment of even farmland into wilderness areas, writing ―the farmer displaces the Indian even because he redeems the meadow, and so makes himself stronger and in some respects more natural‖ (p.313). In extolling the virtue of wildness, Thoreau certainly does not promote unrestrained behaviour, but on the contrary, the Spartan discipline that grappling with nature and living off the land necessarily entails. In fact, at a certain point he came to a rather different view than the one romanticizing the eating of freshly killed raw marrow. Thoreau, in engaging more directly with wild nature than Emerson, embodied and reflected its contradictory aspects – flux and strife, on the one hand, and the eternal, perfect, ideal unity of all being at the heart of the impermanence of wild nature.
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Wildland fire use as a concept had its origin when humans first gained the ability to suppress fires. Some fires were suppressed and others were allowed to burn based on human values and objectives. Native Americans and Euro-American settlers fought those fires that threatened their villages and settlements but left others to burn unabated. Even with the advent of a fire suppression capability in the late 1880s, control efforts were focused on areas of human development while fires in remote areas were largely ignored. When the Forest Service was established in 1905, fire suppression became its reason for being, although some foresters questioned the economic logic of suppressing all fires. Fire suppression was the only fire policy for all federal land management agencies until the late 1960s when the National Park Service officially recognized fire as a natural process. Lightning fires ignited in special management zones in parks were allowed to run their course under prescribed conditions. The Forest Service followed suit in 1974 and changed its policy from fire control to fire management, allowing lightning fires to burn in wilderness areas. The programs in both agencies grew slowly as managers became comfortable with allowing fires to burn under controlled conditions. Various terms were used to describe these programs including “Let Burn,” “Prescribed Natural Fire,” and now “Wildland Fire Use.” Setbacks such as the Yellowstone fires in 1988 and the Cerro Grande fire in 2000 resulted in reviews and updates of federal fire management policies. The Fish and Wildlife Service, Bureau of Land Management, and Bureau of Indian Affairs joined the other two agencies by implementing fire use programs in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Today wildland fire use is a vital link in the fire and fuels programs of each of the federal land management agencies with nearly 6,000 fires burning over 1,400,000 ha (3,500,000 ac) annually. The future of restoring fire to fire-prone ecosystems will have to rely on increasing the use of wildland fire.
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In a turn around from their previous support for the national p�rk, the Beaconsfield Council announced that they opposed the Government purchase of land held by Small, arguing, " .. .it would leave no land for sale or development in the northern section of the Beaconsfield Ivlunicipality and stop any westward development of the seaside resort of Greens Beach".78 This stand was supported by some local land owners who were concerned that the area would be lost to other forms of development if the reservation went ahead. A Badger Head orchardist (Mr Perry), for example, argued that the land on the eastern side of the Asbestos Range was ideal for olive, grape, citrus fruit and stone fruit growing, stating, ''I'm not against national parks, but put them up in the snow country and not in the frost free areas along our northern coast. Already Tasmania has more parks and reserves than Europe".79
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contemporary conservation initiatives at national and international levels, including the details of a new 1999 management plan for the TWWHA, were used to provide evidence of this shift. Each embodied a rejection of wilderness for its own sake, revealed a consistent focus on the conservation of biodiversity and integrated the management of natural and cultural values to varying degrees.
Dr O P Arora, a renowned versatile novelist, short story writer and poet-critic, dominates the current literary scenario with his knack for debunking all shams, superficialities, conventional evils, moral bankruptcy and spiritual sterility pervading our life and society through rare artistic skills and lyrical beauty. The poet, however, also strongly feels that the time for anger and action has arrived, to slap us out of our inaction and torpor, concerning the toxins settling around us, vitiating our mind, body, soul and milieu. It is with great management skills that he compresses various vital areas and issues of life into his slender but elegant anthology laden with profound and innovative thoughts and ideas. The title, ‘Whispers in the Wilderness’ seems to allude to today’s frighteningly vacuous existence that is grim, is barren and lifeless wherefrom emanates, a weak and lonely whispering voice of some anguished soul clamoring to remedy all ills and abort all devastating situations and self-created crises besetting our life.
Recently I have been focusing my research on the history of a single word – ‘sophistication’. I have explored its intricate and changing meanings in the contexts of British, American and French writing and culture. For a long time, it did not occur to me to consider the resonances of ‘sophistication’ in Canada. I have begun to wonder whether the dominance of wilderness mythology in Canadian culture might be the reason for this blind spot on my part. This paper offers a preliminary exploration of the sets of ideas and images which cohere around these two notions of wilderness and sophistication. It considers the ways in which they are constructed as opposites in Canadian writing, and suggests that, within the literary structures of pastoral, they may interpenetrate. The dynamic between wilderness and sophistication might be traced through a vast range of Canadian literary texts, but I will restrict myself to one region and period, focusing on three mid-twentieth-century novellas set in British Columbia. They were all reprinted in a 1987 anthology of Canadian novellas edited by Douglas Daymond and Leslie Monkman, entitled On Middle Ground. This book is an interesting artefact of literary history. The authors represented in it – Clark Blaise, Keath Fraser, Mavis Gallant, Malcolm Lowry, John Metcalf, Audrey Thomas, and Ethel Wilson – are some of the finest post-war Canadian fiction writers, yet they have fallen out of fashion with readers and critics alike. Indeed, the title of the anthology seems inadvertently to position them in an awkward in-between place. ‘Middle ground’ is a phrase with multiple resonances. In terms of form, it refers to an intermediate fictional genre, often occupying an uncertain position in the literary canon. In terms of period or generation, these mid-century writers do not quite belong with either the modernists or the postmodernists. In a national context, ‘middle ground’ recalls Robert Kroetsch’s view of Canadian writing as ‘the literature of dangerous middles’, 1 a suggestive description which
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How To Orient Yourself In The Wilderness would have been dramatically different as little as six months ago. The opportunity to have an entire gallery for the installation did great things for my confidence, in what I have made, and in what I will make in the future. I am confident that any photograph I make will find its place, even if I don’t know the location right away. To use a sports analogy, I feel like this was my first time playing the entire game. Everything up to this point had been practice, and it’s difficult to access progress through practice alone. The show forced me to consider the space as an extension of the work, not just a walled surface for hanging. Much like establishing a tone for a book, the choices made in the gallery were all executed to support the nature of the photographs.
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"The key points requiring explanation seem to be that wilderness is for the benefit of man, not plants and animals, that it is an important part of an attempt to provide the maximum range of recreational choice, which is undertaken for the benefit of the community as a whole and not just for the minority who happens to use it at any one point in time. Much public misunder standing of the aims of wilderness conservation could be avoided if the term could be restricted in its application to very large areas managed primarily for the conservation of land in a primitive condition but made available for compatible scientific and recreational uses."41
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In conservation, benefits, and sociological literature, research has been done on similar or synonymous ideas, but are the results adequate to explain “ambassadorship”? Worldwide and polar case studies indicate that a conserva- tion benefit may accrue to parks or protected areas via tourism (Boo 1990; Marsh 2000; WTO 1999). Boo (1990) explains that tourists become emotionally attached to an area and will thus contribute funds to protect it or improve its conservation status. Cessford (1995) generated research findings that suggest that among tourists visiting the remote islands of Little Barrier and Tiritiri Matangi, there is conservation benefit. Cessford (1995) indicates that insight into a particular ideal or having a particular expe- rience does, in fact, aid in learning about conservation, change visitor opinion, and create a commitment to conser- vation. Marsh (1991) has shown initial research findings in this area regarding Antarctic tourists, but his sample was relatively small and mainly consisted of a single national- ity. In addition to Cessford’s (1995) study, the work of Cessford and Dingwall (1996) suggests that satisfaction and positive experience create a personal value shift. Boo (1990) concludes that for conservation management to succeed, tourism must be a tool to educate, thus creating real benefits for a geographical location. Findings from general benefits research (Anderson and others 2000; Bruns and others 1994; Driver and Bruns 1999; Kelly and Brown 1981; Manning 1999) support the above studies.
Certain ethical issues arise at this point. It may transpire that if these results were widely published, the re- maining wild areas of the country would be brought to the attention of the country’s burgeoning number of outdoor recreationists, who in turn may actively seek out these wild areas thereby destroying, by mere numbers, the wilderness character they value. The counterargument is that if these areas are not formerly identified and protected then we run the risk of los- ing them to the pressures of develop- ment. We believe that the arguments in favor of bringing these areas to the close attention of conservationists and policy makers, together with the edu- cational benefits from wilderness rec- ognition programs, far outweigh the risks from overuse.
Identifying areas of agreement and disagreement be- tween pHPP and dPNV at continental and regional scales provides further information on the diversity of local contexts for rewilding (Fig. 3). Although both pHPP and dPNV are strongly related to farming activities, their spatial distribution was quite different (Fig. 3) as a result of underlying environmental drivers, land-use histories, and the degree to which agricultural activities create land- scapes closer to or farther away from the natural refer- ence points. Large urban areas such as London, Paris, and Berlin had very high dPNV and very low pHPP (Fig. 3a). In contrast, most mountainous areas showed low dPNV and relatively high pHPP (Fig. 3b), presumably as cat- tle grazing at high elevations does not produce a high deviation from the original alpine grasslands (Fig. 3b). Areas such as the Iberian Peninsula and large areas of Eastern Europe showed strongly modified vegetation but a lower pHPP than the intensive agricultural regions in Western Europe (Figs. 3a & 3c). This is expected because technological progress has allowed agriculture to gradu- ally intensify in the most productive and easily mecha- nized lands, whereas climate and biophysical limitations have not allowed some systems, for example in Southern Europe, to increase their productivity above a certain threshold (Pinto-Correia & Mascarenhas 1999). Low lev- els of mechanization can also be due to economics in areas such as the former socialist countries (M¨ uller et al. 2009) or to local socio-economic factors such as farm size or existing conservation policies. The continuation of low intensity agriculture has nevertheless maintained ecosystems in a modified state throughout many areas of Europe (Ceaușu et al. 2015).
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The samples taken in 1999 from Geescroft Wilderness, Broad- balk Wilderness and Broadbalk Arable contained more organic C than the corresponding pre- bomb sampling, all the way down the proﬁle (Table 3). However, t tests comparing the C content of each layer sampled in 1999 with the C content of the corre- sponding pre-bomb layer showed that these differences were seldom signiﬁcant (P < 0.05, here and subsequently), apart from the surface layers. Carbon gains in the woodland sites are discussed in detail by Poulton et al. (2003). The 1999 sam- ples from Geescroft Wilderness, Broadbalk Wilderness and Broadbalk Arable all contained more radiocarbon than the corresponding pre-bomb sample (with one exception, the 23– 46 cm layer from Broadbalk Arable), although, apart from the surface layer, none of the differences reached signiﬁcance (Table 3). One of the two 0–23 cm samples taken in 1999 from Broadbalk Arable was much older than the other (D 14 C
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In countries like Nepal, socio-cultural practices around childbirth include maternal seclusion after labour and birth. Moreover, cultural beliefs in a community play a vital role in non-utilisation of postnatal care (PNC) [5, 6]. Coverage of PNC in Nepal is inadequate, especially among the poorest women and those living in remote rural areas; a recent study suggested that only 21 % of new mothers receive any PNC whether they birth in a facility or at home . Both the neonatal and infant mortality have de- clined over the past two decades, levelling off at 33/1,000 for neonatal mortality and 46/1,000 for infant mortality , while the maternal mortality is estimated at 258/ 100,000 . It has been suggested that simply providing a postnatal check-up on the first day before women are dis- charged from the health facility could prevent up to 38.7 % of maternal deaths during that period .
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Several studies have shown the benefits of decentralisation to protected areas in terms of issues at a regional level involving multi-stakeholders. For example, research into the challenges confronting environmental governance of the Xingu Indigenous Park in Brazil revealed that a single system at the park level was not broad enough to affect the surrounding agro-industrial region (Brondizio et al. 2009). The same study pointed to the need to recognise the role of institutions in facilitating cross-level environmental governance as an important form of social capital that is essential for the long-term protection of ecosystems and the well-being of different populations. The benefits are echoed by research conducted in Guatemala, where a governing council as the umbrella agency of Guatemala’s protected areas is composed of seven members from various government agencies and NGOs (Secaira et al. 2005). Eagles (2009) employed ten criteria for good governance to assess eight management models in different countries that underpin recreation and tourism partnerships in parks and protected areas. The result showed that the public and non-profit combination model received the highest rank than the traditional national park model in terms of good governance. In an evaluation of governance processes for the Galapagos Marine Reserve (Heylings & Bravo 2007), the co-management regime had exemplified strong performance in terms of strategic vision, participation, empowerment, consensus orientation and resilience, and yet less well in terms of responsible representation, equity, and credibility.
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Introduction: Tuberculosis (TB) is one of the most common infectious diseases worldwide. One third of the world’s population is infected with TB. Mycobacterium tuberculosis, the bacterium that causes TB, can infect the body and remain inactive (latent infection), or the infection can progress and cause the disease. Certain populations are at a particular risk to develop TB; these groups include persons infected with HIV, homeless persons, incarcerated individuals, and those who live in areas where TB is endemic, such as Southeast Asia. The standard treatment regimen to prevent progression to TB is the nine months of self-administered isoniazid (300 mg) (also known as the 9H regimen) for the treatment of latent TB infection (LTBI). However, a short regimen of 12 weekly doses of isoniazid (900 mg) plus rifapentine (900 mg), (also known as the 3HP regimen) has been recently shown to be as effective as the standard regimen with higher treatment completion rates by the PREVENT TB trial.
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