Murangira (n.d.) indicate that the conflict in Burundi did not only lead to physical and psychological humiliation of those women and girls who were raped in the process, but these survivors also suffer social exclusion in the form of loss of self-esteem, abandonment in home and school and stigma. Murangira (n.d.) partnered with the Anglican Church of Burundi Evangelical Fraternity of Christian Africa in Burundi (FECABU) to look at the various roles the church can play in sexual violence intervention. Zicherman (2007) indicate that some local and international organizations have provided support to survivors of sexual violence in Burundi which includes MSF Belgium and CARE which offer psychological and medical services in Bujumbura special clinics. CARE received funding from ECHO and was able to implement a program for 18 months to prevent sexual violence. Other agencies include Gruppo Volontariato Civile (GVC) and the International Rescue Committee (IRC). The presence of National Protocol on the Treatment of Sexual Violence in Burundi, supported by UNICEF and UNFPA, provided a framework for medical response to sexual violence. CARE helped in establishing more than 110 networks of community leaders who educated local people about the risk of sexual violence, consequences as well as social reintegration of survivors in Bujumbura Mairie, Bujumbura Rurale and Bubanza provinces. Nduna and Goodyear (1997) shows how the Burundian refugees have been assisted by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) since 1993. The services of IRC focused on comprehensive primary health care and implemented an assessment project of Countering Sexual and Gender Violence in refugee camps in northern Tanzania and Zaire. World Bank (2011) adds that IRC supported a community led microfinance intervention when the conflict in Burundi ended. The micro-finance gave economic empowerment and independence to the women by providing loans and savings. It also gave opportunity for the community to discuss the beliefs and attitudes that give rise to gender inequality and violence against women.
Considering the need for women empowerment in our society these days and the fact that women play different important roles in the advancement of the modern society, this paper goes to study the girls and women empowerment through open and distance learning with particular focus on the strategic roles of the library. The objectives of the study are to find out the different library and information resources and services available in support of open and distance learning; extent of utilization of these resources by the women and girl users of the library; influence of this utilization on their academic performance; problems encountered by the libraries and strategies for curbing the problems towards enhancing open and distance learning for women and girls; hence empowering them. The study adopted descriptive survey method using women and girl students of the National Open University of Nigeria as the study population. Multiple choice questionnaire was used to collect data while frequencies and mean scores were used to analyze the data presented in Tables. Results and findings of the study will be detailed in the full research paper.
The majority asserted that community sensitization, involv- ing both men and women, on women’s rights could alleviate gender inequality in Zambia. Sensitization was perceived to be needed most and anticipated to have the greatest impact in rural areas. Participants felt that enhancing the role of women could also be achieved through education for AGYW, as education could lead to gainful employment and the shift to financial self-reliance, which would shift the power dynamic toward AGYW. Although the promotion of gender equality was wanted and accepted by most, some warned that this could incite violence from male partners who were not in agreement with this ideology. To remedy this, programs promoting gender equality were suggested to advise AGWY to be cautious when asserting themselves and to include safety strategies for those women and girls who encountered violence:
Unlike previous studies, women in this study were mainly deceived and did not know that they would be married to a Chinese man. Reasons for this difference might be the different sampling strategies. In Duong et al., women were also recruited into the study who ex- plicitly went to China for marriage but found the situ- ation there to be very different to what they expected or had been promised, highlighting the difficulty of making a clear cut distinction between a woman who is consid- ered trafficked and a woman who finds herself in an abusive marriage to which she initially agreed . In the study by Blanchet et al. about Bangladeshi girls traf- ficked to North India for marriage, not all girls knew that they would be ‘sold’ into marriage, although the ma- jority of them were aware that they would be married to a North Indian man. In addition, it was mainly their par- ents who had agreed to their marriage, as they were still under marriage age. Among women fleeing North Korea to China, none seem to have known that they would be trafficked and sold into marriage when they decided to leave North Korea [10, 27]. This is in stark contrast to women who participate in mail order bride businesses to Western countries, who agree to marry a foreign spouse initially, but might become trapped in abusive marriages . The profile of traffickers described by women in this study is similar to that of other studies, as traffickers were frequently female and close or distant relatives or from the same social network as the trafficked women or complete strangers .
• Recent years has seen an increasing focus on the resettlement of young people after custody, with a number of initiatives designed to address stubbornly high reoffending rates. However, the specific needs of girls and young women have received little attention in policy and practice. This is a worrying gap because research with adult female offenders consistently warns that what works with male offenders is unlikely to work with females.
This more ‘lenient’ approach has frequently been explained as representing a paternalistic gender stereotyping that seeks to regulate female behaviour according to expectations associated with women’s traditional role in society (Worrall, 1981; Gelsthorpe and Sharp). Ideas of female vulnerability, concerns with moral welfare, and anxieties about ‘inappropriate’ sexualised behaviour have meant that social care, rather than criminal justice, agencies have traditionally been more likely to intervene earlier in girls’ lives. This has led to overrepresentation in children’s residential establishments and secure units on grounds of welfare, while allowing higher levels of diversion from the criminal justice sanctions (McIvor, 1998; Bateman, 2008a). Conversely, where young women are criminalised, they may on occasion receive harsher treatment than their male counterparts if they are perceived to have transgressed gender norms as well as the criminal law (Hudson, 2002; Carrington, 2010; Chesney-Lind, 2004). Research with adult women has suggested that sentencers tend to distinguish between defendants who are ‘troubled’ and those who are ‘troublesome’ (Gelsthorpe and Loucks, 1997). Male offenders are more typically allocated to the latter category so that acquisitive crime is constructed by the court as being motivated by reasons of personal gain. Women by contrast tended to be viewed through a ‘troubled’ lens so that theft, for instance, is typically understood as a survival offence, necessitated by a lack of resources or a need to care for children. Such perceptions allow a more lenient approach to women’s sentencing. Where however, women’s law breaking is construed as ‘troublesome’ – so that a female defendant is regarded as having ‘crossed over’ to align herself with stereotypical male offending and committed for reasons of personal acquisition – there is a corresponding risk that she may receive harsher treatment than a male convicted of an equivalent offence.
Within this ethnically diverse sample, many women endorsed wanting to conceive; a minority of women utilized long-term birth control methods, though most endorsed con- dom use at their last sexual encounter. Overall, knowledge regarding pregnancy, conception and contraception was high and as anticipated, more women had discussed pregnancy prevention with providers than pregnancy planning. The need for discussion of pregnancy planning appears sup- ported. While not a focus of the current study, it is important to highlight the presence of mild to moderate depression among many girls and young women, which may put this group of WLHIV at risk for nonadherence to antiretrovirals 25
third of the participants. In some cases, G. vaginalis constituted the majority of the microbiota at multiple consecutive 3-month intervals, suggesting long-term persistence. G. vaginalis is often associated with bacterial vaginosis (BV), a common yet poorly understood condition associated with increased risk of sexually transmitted infections and preterm birth (51, 52). While G. vagi- nalis is undoubtedly correlated with BV, evidence for whether it is necessary or sufficient to elicit symptoms remains inconclusive (42, 53–55). Postulated virulence mechanisms include biofilm formation (56), sialidase production (57), and synergism with other bacteria, such as Prevotella (58). However, numerous stud- ies have identified G. vaginalis in many reportedly healthy women, suggesting that it may be a commensal in some individuals (7, 8, 46, 59). Considering evidence that identical G. vaginalis 16S rRNA sequences are detected among sexual partners (60), some have suggested that G. vaginalis is acquired exclusively through sexual contact (42). Our findings present evidence contrary to this hy- pothesis, as none of the girls in this study had a history of part- nered sexual activity. Likewise, several studies report finding G. vaginalis in children and adolescents without sexual experience (18, 19, 48, 61–63). Whether microbiota containing G. vaginalis place the host at higher risk of infection remains to be seen, but recent investigations into the remarkable diversity of this species (64–67) may help to clarify whether commensal and pathogenic strains exist and can be distinguished from one another.
Girls becomes a text when it is scripted, recorded, and aired on television. Following a theoretical background in D/discourse, a text is the “done” of talk. Since Girls is a scripted, recorded, and aired television program it can also be considered the “done” and completed version of talk, text, and social practice. Every line, wardrobe choice, character interaction, and gesture was not only preconceived and written before shooting, but also directed and edited to make a complete text. Although many scholars employing methods of FCDA study conversations and interactions between people, I use FCDA to study entertainment media texts. FCDA has an interest to de-mystify ideologies and power through studying D/discourses (which in large, are texts) (Wodak & Meyer, 2009), and invites media texts to be studied to examine the power that lies within the D/discourse. “Discourses exert power because they transport knowledge on which collective and individual consciousness feeds. This knowledge is the basis for individual and collective, discursive and non-discursive action, which in turn shapes reality” (Wodak & Meyer, 2009, p. 39). When individuals watch Girls, the knowledge of what a girl is transports to the viewer and, in turn, shapes reality. Although I am not concerned with viewer interpretations of Girls, I am concerned with dominant D/discourses that are perpetuated in entertainment media that have the ability to constrain presentations of women. It is the D/discourses that are repeated within entertainment media that I am concerned with. To further examine how portrayals of women can be constraining, interpretation of Girls as a text is needed.
The process of nation‟s development would be incomplete if women are neglected because they constitute about 50% of the population. As the review of literature indicates that the research studies undertaken so far conducted on instant triple talaq is rather scanty. The significance of the present study lies in the fact that the opinion of higher secondary girls is likely to be associated with existing sensitive issue of muslim women and their empowerment. The result or outcome will help achieve equality; help teachers, parents and society to provide solid base for them to strive for muslim women empowerment.
In this work I examined the extent of gender equality, and the existence of sexual stereotypes in Hebrew textbooks in the seventh grade, by analyzing three text- books, examining whether their substances reflect an ideology of gender equali- ty. I found that these textbooks definitely reflect a change towards gender equal- ity, however, the transformation is very slow, and there are still many sexual ste- reotypes such as describing women as housewives, emphasizing their weakness, poor, neglect and inferior status in society, sometimes at the expense of exclud- ing them completely out of the text. The number of these stereotypes of women is greater than those of the long standing, powerful and dominant status of men. These stereotypes indicate a lack of ideology of equality.
The cultural and institutional denigration of women and people of indigenous Mayan descent, coupled with the resistance to prosecuting crimes against minors, produces a particularly dangerous situation for upholding the human rights of those most in need of their protection in Guatemala. Young women and girls, especially those who are doubly and triply marginalised on account of their racial background and poverty, are at heightened risk of forms of social and gender violence. Femicide and sexual violence therefore constitute the extremes of a continuum of violence suffered by young women and girls in Guatemala that includes more subtle forms of discrimination such as a systemic lack of access to education, health and nutrition.
The data that will be used for the analysis consists of the content of openly accessible documents published by the two organizations on implementing the goals introduced by UNSCR 1325. This limits the scope of the research, but has been decided upon due to significant time constraints that do not allow for the collection of classified documents. The documents are found by searching the online data bases of EEAS and NATO with the combination of the parameters “policy plan/action plan”, “women, peace and security” and “UNSCR 1325”. The last two of these parameters clearly indicate a reference to this study, as they are terms, especially “women, peace and security”, that do not appear in the context of other policies. For the analysis of the EEAS’s implementation of the WPS agenda, nine documents have been identified to be usable for this study. They include, but are not limited to, official statements made by the EU on the topic of UNSCR 1325 in general or, more specifically, the EEAS’s WPS agenda; documents on the EU’s current Gender Action Plan (GAP); strategic documents on the WPS agenda; as well as a study about women in CSDP missions requested by the European Parliament. A complete list of the documents can be found in Annex II. The documents have been published between 2015 and 2018. The statements have been chosen as they describe some actions successfully taken by the EEAS, but also gaps that have been identified and have to be worked on more extensively. The GAP describes the overall framework on matters on women and girls, including their role in conflicts, and has therefore been chosen along with two reports on the GAP assessing the first year after it entered into force. Documents that focus more on the implementation of the goals of UNSCR 1325 are the “EU Strategic Approach to Women, Peace and Security” published by the EEAS itself and the previously mentioned study on women in CSDP missions.
Abstract: Gender inequality has been in existence in as much as the humans themselves. The South African women and girls like many other societies around the world are also suffering from the lack of opportunities whilst men still receive favorable treatment. The government of South Africa engaged in the promotion of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) as part of empowerment projects for the Black people since the attainment of democratic rule in 1994. Entrepreneurship continues to play an integral role in the South African economy as well as the economies of many developing countries around the world. The creation of new Small and Medium businesses activities contributes to economic growth, job creation, better livelihood of people involved and the communities which surround them. However, there has been a lack of women participation in entrepreneurship businesses in South Africa. Women continue to shy away from starting SMEs. Research reveals that an approximately 6, 2 percent of South African adult women were involved in SMEs in 2015. This is an appalling situation if South Africa is going to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDG, goal number five encourages States to ‘Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls’. The aim of this paper is to identify challenges faced by female entrepreneurs in South Africa, which makes their survival difficult within a patriarchal society.The empirical analysis is based largely on data from information available from sources such as journals, dissertations, thesis, books, conference reports, internet sources, and policy briefs relating to women and entrepreneurship.
Educators, workforce development, workplace learning and performance (WLP), and human resource management professionals can assist females to train for nontraditional occupations and to succeed in NTO’s as well as assist in retention of females in nontraditional occupations. Career counselors and, in particular, WLP professionals can introduce women and girls to high-wage nontraditional occupation career options. Since high wage occupations lead to self-sufficiency, women need to be trained and retained in such occupations. Women may require encouragement to become involved in such training programs. Women involved in the construction industry numbered 784,000; however, only 12.4% were involved in production and crafting (WOW, 2013f). Most women in the construction industry fill clerical, technical, and other support positions. WLP professionals can encourage women in low-wage support positions in the construction industry to switch sides to the high-wage production and crafter positions through training and other development activities.
Specific evidentiary rules were developed for rape allegations in spite of the fact that there has never been any evidence demonstrating that allegations of rape carry a higher risk of false reporting than other crimes. 57 Rather than responding to any unique risk of fabrication, these rules reflected women's and girls' inferior social status and lack of credibility, 58 as well as common myths about women, men and rape. Some of the beliefs that undergird discriminatory evidentiary practices were set out and refuted by Justice L'Heureux-Dubé in R v Seaboyer 59 in her dissenting judgment regarding the constitutionality of Canada’s Criminal Code bar against the admissibility of complainants’ sexual history evidence. These include the myths that women and girls are likely to lie about sexual assault because they are vindictive, motivated to fabricate, and mendacious; only “bad” women and girls can be or are raped; “good” women and girls cannot be raped; if not complained of immediately and to the first available person, a rape has likely been fabricated; women and girls are often mistaken or confused about men's sexual assaults; and, without additional evidence, it is dangerous to convict a man of sexual violence based solely on the word of a girl or a woman.
Emma Mulqueeny points out that learning a new skill in any environment, even a familiar and comfortable one, can be a challenging process. Since, as noted in point 2 above, involvement in MHOs for women can often involve a greater degree of skill learning from scratch than for men, it is likely that this is compounded by the intimidating nature of a male-dominated environment in the context of MHOs. Indeed, anecdotal evidence suggests that this is frequently the case; Emma notes that even when many girls and women sign up for tech events, there tends to be a high drop-out rate between signing up and actually attending. It is likely that this relates to broader issues regarding women’s confidence and self-esteem; notoriously, in the workplace women are far less likely to apply for promotion or payrises (Babcock, Laschever, Gelfand, & Small, 2013); in the context of MHOs, women seem to feel less confident simply ‘tinkering’ with an existing project or device, as described by Janet Gunter, founder of the Restart Project (Fink, 2014). This pattern seems to hold from a young age, where girls tend to have less confidence in their own abilities than boys do from school (Zecharia et al., 2014). While this is evidently a much wider, societal issue, it is important to be aware of such factors in making MHOs appealing to women in order to find ways of reducing their impact in that context; to make initial participation feel like a smaller step out of one’s ‘comfort zone’.
In the various campaigns promoted by international agencies—which have gained new impetus in the last decades with the United Nation’s conferences— there is still a predominance of denial of the capacity of children from the global South to decide and act towards overcoming life conditions they see as bad, be it poverty or gender oppression . In a study about three campaigns developed for the “Western” public to gather support and funding for the education of girls in periphery countries, MacDonald  suggests “that what Mohanty (1984) terms the ‘Third World Woman’—a homogeneous, static image of women in the third world—is the specter used to motivate Western support” (p. 1). Centered on the girls’ right to school access, these campaigns, on the one side, disregard that in many countries from the global South, as in the metropolis, girls have been doing better than boys in their school trajectories. On the other hand, these campaigns failed to deal with the complex gender relations inside and beyond the school, relations that can only be properly understood based on “locally si- tuated gender analyses”, as pointed out by North  (p. 438).