Women In Community Activism

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Korean American Women's Community Activism and Their Response to Domestic Violence in Philadelphia

Korean American Women's Community Activism and Their Response to Domestic Violence in Philadelphia

Most research on community activism has been conducted as focused upon political participation, economic resource mobilization and social change by politics and social science researchers. Recently, public health researchers have started to focus on community activism to engage community residents in terms of improving health at the local level. Public health researchers point out health disparities in populations and argue for the capacity of community activism to address health and social inequality issues more efficiently (Israel et al, 1994; Laverack and Wallerstein, 2001; Larner & Craig, 2005; Zoller, 2005). In terms of community empowerment and health promotion, they noted how community activists confront the issue of power in building the capacity of both individuals and communities through community actions (Rifkin, 2003). In harmony with the approach of community empowerment, nursing scholars also started to promote intersectoral collaboration with community activists to empower community health resilience (Meleis et al, 1995). This intersectoral collaboration addresses the needs of community people in a manner that is congruent with the cultural beliefs of, and is sustainable by, the community (Meleis et al, 1995). To inform these nursing scholars, an intention of this study is to know more about how women community activists build community resilience so the scholarship can empower them to move forward.
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"The Forgotten Victims" How Racialized Gender Stereotypes Lead to Police Violence Against Black Women and Girls: Incorporating an Analysis of Police Violence Into Feminist Jurisprudence and Community Activism

"The Forgotten Victims" How Racialized Gender Stereotypes Lead to Police Violence Against Black Women and Girls: Incorporating an Analysis of Police Violence Into Feminist Jurisprudence and Community Activism

This section highlights the long history of racialized sexism Black women have faced. The intersecting identities of Black and woman produce specific racialized stereotypes about Black women. In fact, the interlocking oppressions of racism and sexism have created stereotypes that justify and rationalize violence against Black women. It is important to understand that the lack of intersectionality is a century-long problem, and it is necessary that legal institutions, policymakers, and community activists adopt the approach to create more inclusive solutions to police violence against Black women. This section will also highlight how Sojourner Truth articulated the ways that Black women had been disenfranchised in the courts and in everyday social life. 36 Although Crenshaw coined “intersectionality” in
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A Daughter's Praise Poem For Her Mother: Historicizing Community Activism and Racial Uplift Among South African Women

A Daughter's Praise Poem For Her Mother: Historicizing Community Activism and Racial Uplift Among South African Women

A Daughter's Praise Poem Historicizing Community Activism and BY DOLANA MOGADIME L 'autcurc rchtc &S artivitks & sa mLre etdcsagrand mhedam hcommunautk commc &S accmph dirn autw matcr nagcquiconjrmela[.]

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Activism Ltd : environmental activism and contemporary literature

Activism Ltd : environmental activism and contemporary literature

A Friend of the Earth (FOE) is a novel set in two time periods. The first, set principally in the late 80s and early 90s, tells the story of Tyrone Tierwater, a widowed father of one and his involvement in a radical environmental group called Earth Forever! (EF!) (a telegraphed reference to the actual group, Earth First! 10 ). As well as recounting several direct actions – some of them nonviolent, some of them involving property damage, but all intended to cause significant disruption – the novel also describes how Tierwater becomes involved in EF! after meeting his long term partner, Andrea (an avid environmentalist and community organiser); the radicalisation of his daughter, Sierra (who eventually dies after falling out of the tree she was ‘occupying’ to prevent logging); several periods Tierwater spends in prison; and one month in the wilderness trying ‘to live off the land’ (172). The second period, set between the years 2025 and 2026, focuses on the experience of living in a post-climate change dystopia which Boyle presents as a ‘permanent fucking el Niño’ (221); that is, a slow, creeping decay and decline rather than an explosive apocalypse. In FOE’s future Tierwater works as an animal keeper for a rich, ageing rockstar, Maclovio, who has taken it upon himself ‘to do what Nature and the zoos were incapable of’ (219) and keep many of the extant large mammals alive in an increasingly unstable and inhospitable climate. This second time period focalises an utterly embittered, misanthropic and apathetic Tierwater who can do nothing but reflect morbidly on the failings of his generation to avert climate change.
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Feminist Scholar-Activism Goes Global: Experiences of “Sociologists for Women in Society” at the UN

Feminist Scholar-Activism Goes Global: Experiences of “Sociologists for Women in Society” at the UN

This article focuses on the experiences and strategies of members of Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) who strive to bridge the worlds of social activism and academia. It concerns the International Committee’s work at the United Nations (UN), specifically at the annual Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) meeting. It builds on transnational feminist literature that has discussed the UN as stage for a diverse global women’s movement and provider of global gender equality norms that, if utilized, advance gender equality in its member states. I analyze themes that emerged from a sample of in-depth interviews with current or former UN scholar-activists within SWS from a larger ethnographic study, and present experiences and challenges of SWS members’ engagement with UN politics and policy development since the mid-nineties. I demonstrate that SWS does justice to its mission of serving as an activist organization through its work in the global arena. Analysis of interviews, observations, and archival material demonstrates that SWS’s UN scholar- activism is increasing the visibility and applicability of feminist sociology. While this activism critically examines the discourse, it also disrupts hegemonic discourse and offers opportunities for concrete social change, particularly through linking activism, mentoring, and teaching.
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Evaluating Population Origins and Interpretations of Identity: a Case Study of the Lemba of South Africa

Evaluating Population Origins and Interpretations of Identity: a Case Study of the Lemba of South Africa

The Georgia campaign against workfare was successful, in part, because of the maintenance of social networks and connections among anti-poverty activists. But its success was also due to the incompetence of local officials in implementing the program. According to Robertson, workfare in the state actually meant recipients working for public agencies doing “menial jobs” and not receiving the benefits or training promised. In North Georgia this was taken to an extreme when one welfare office director made recipients clean her house. The Hunger Coalition organized a group of these women to come to a press conference organized during Poor People’s Day. The director was fired, but retaliation against the women, all white, was swift. Each received visits from the sheriff, harassing calls, and not-so-veiled threats that continued activism would result in child services taking their children away. 111 This story shows that anti-poverty activists, particularly those associated with the Hunger Coalition, consistently sought to expand their network even in the face of state harassment. By 1984, around the time this story took place, the organization had a majority black board of directors as well as a majority black constituency. Yet, the organization was consciously conducting outreach among white welfare recipients. Despite this specific effort being stopped, it does indicate that the overwhelmingly black organization was not exclusively black. Those women in North Georgia were contacted through neighborhood canvas in which organizers knocked on doors. The organization was clearly committed to reaching poor people throughout the state. Being committed to involving poor people in the political process did not end at the color line. The Hunger Coalition placed priority on expanding larger networks of poor people and did it through
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Breaking down dichotomies in the narratives of women’s activism in Morocco

Breaking down dichotomies in the narratives of women’s activism in Morocco

However, in contrast to Othman’s (1999) theory and the approach of FM, many of the rights- based organisations adopted human rights as their sole source of referential, refusing to engage with religious ideology within their activism. This approach is consistent with an interpretation which suggests that the Koran can only ever be an interim solution to the inequalities created by the Islamic patriarchy; equality can only be created on the basis of internationally recognised women’s rights (Einhorn and Server, 2003; Barlas, 2005). Rejection of Islam can partly be understood to result from the marginalisation women activists faced after Moroccan independence, where Moroccan traditions, religion and nationhood became conflated and overshadowed all women specific concerns (Hélie-Lucas, 1987; Mernissi, 1988). Partly it reflects the battles women activists faced in the 1990s, when their most ardent opposition came from the Islamist movements. Sadiqi (2003) traces the roots of this rejection to the encounter of the Moroccan civilisation with the West under French colonisation. The first developments of feminism in Morocco from the 1960s onwards Sadiqi defines as liberal, or secular feminism, but from the 1980s onwards she identifies a more religious, or conservative feminism co-existing alongside (Sadiqi, 2003:21). Both have their roots in the wider political organisations of the country, the liberal feminism stemming from the leftist political rights movement and the religious feminism from conservative political parties and associations.
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Untold stories of Syrian women surviving war

Untold stories of Syrian women surviving war

The BBC article is divided to three sections. The first section tells the story of Kazal, a young Syrian refugee woman who had been sold for marriage: “Kazal says she is 18 but looks much younger. She has just got divorced from a 50-year-old man from Saudi Arabia who paid her family about US $3,100 (UK £2,000) to marry her. The marriage lasted one week” (McLeod, 2013, May 10, para. 2). The article illustrated that Kazal’s eyes are blue to emphasise her Caucasian race “ Her huge, blue eyes fill with tears when she talks about the marriage” (McLeod, 2013, May 10, para.4). The second section of the BBC article is an interview with Andrew Harper, the Representative of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Jordan who expressed his feelings of disgust for people who are engaged in marriage for money "I can't think of anything more disgusting than people targeting refugee women…You can call it rape, you can call it prostitution, you can call it what you want but it's preying on the weakest" (McLeod, 2013, May 10, para.10). The third section of the BBC article is an interview with Um Mazed, a matchmaker who earns income by arranging marriages between Arab men and Syrian refugee girls.
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4795.pdf

4795.pdf

master’s thesis advisor, Gregory Flaxman, helped me to understand Bergson, Deleuze, Nietzsche, and so many others that made a difference in my thought. Gregg, thanks for removing your attention when the time was right. You had already fucked my head up enough (in a good way). You helped me to learn how to ask the right questions, as did my committee and the other scholars I learned from at UNC, especially Todd Taylor, Erika Lindemann, Bill Balthrop, Carole Blair, Jennifer Ho, Jessica Wolfe, Reid Barbour, Rebecca Fisher, James Thompson, Katie Rose Guest Pryal, and Eliza Richards. The UNC Writing Center was an incredible community for working and learning, and so I owe much gratitude to Vicki Behrens, Gigi Taylor, and Kim Abels for the vision and mentorship that created that environment, where I was able to find interdisciplinary graduate students and learn with them. I am thankful to my students for our learning and teaching exchange, our listening and talking, reading and writing, and sharing of new media and cultural rhetoric has been so helpful to my thinking. You have impacted my life more than you know, especially Rakhee Devasthali. The administrative staff at UNC is the heart of the department and I owe a special debt of gratitude to Jodie Gregoritsch, Mark Richardson, Karen Sardi, Linda Horne, Ginger Tompkins, and Erin Kalbarczyk. The Department of English and Comparative Literature generously funded a fellowship that helped enable this dissertation to come to fruition, as did the UNC Graduate School and the Center for the Study of the American South, which also helped facilitate connections and create forums for sharing research.
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McNamara_unc_0153D_16414.pdf

McNamara_unc_0153D_16414.pdf

Ybor Latinos had good reasons to feel nervous about collaborating with Fidel Castro. In 1950, shortly after the end of the Wallace campaign, the House un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) returned to Florida, but this time with a definitive list and an agenda. The Committee called over seventy-five men and women from Tampa’s Cuban enclave to testify in Miami. Congressional representatives interrogated Ybor’s cubanas and cubanos about their potential involvement with communism, sometimes forcing them expose their comrades. While most Latinos invoked the Fifth Amendment and declined to answer potentially incriminating questions, the prosecuting attorney sometimes scared them by referencing their naturalized citizenship. Although membership to the Party was difficult to prove, the biggest power held by HUAC was its ability to intimidate, embarrass, and scare its defendants. For women and men whose lives were grounded in Florida, the thought of potentially losing their citizenship and being deported to Cuba would have caused extreme stress. In an effort to protect themselves and their families, members of the Ybor community were understandably careful about their connections to Castro. Before agreeing to work with Castro, cubanos and cubanas had to ask themselves if they were willing to give up their lives in the United States for an ideological cause in a country where they no longer or never lived. 366
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4748.pdf

4748.pdf

relationships and conversations. I most certainly represented an institution no matter how I fashioned myself. This is evidenced by the length and quality of time as well as the location the mothers chose to interact with me. There were times I could tell they were not comfortable with not being able to provide an answer to a question, or to finish a story, almost like I was a news reporter demanding they give me an ‘accurate scoop.’ It is here they created a new space to protect themselves or outwardly resolve issues that they hadn’t paused to reflect upon before. During some of these times I wanted to turn the recorder off; however, I was included in these acts. I was invited to be part of the “we.” In order for reciprocity to occur in these spaces, all of the participants (the mothers and I) had to be honest about who and where we were. “It is through dialogue that we resist the arrogant perception that perpetuates monologic encounters, interpretations, and judgments” (Madison, 2005 p. 167; Conquergood, 1982). This included sharing a range of stories in how we sometimes doubt ourselves as women, mothers, daughters and the practices we engage that sustain us – whether through community, spirituality, family, or the commitments to our children. This has allowed some of us to maintain relationships that move beyond SSCES and this dissertation.
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Realising women’s human rights in Malaysia : the EMPOWER report

Realising women’s human rights in Malaysia : the EMPOWER report

on EMPOWER in this article does not imply the suggestion that the group is somehow representative of all forms of women’s rights activism in Malaysia, and neither do I wish to overemphasise the power and influence of this particular NGO (not in the least because of the very real constraints on civil society activism in Malaysia). My intention rather, is to utilise EMPOWER, and their women’s human rights report in particular, as an illustrative example of how and why NGOs maintain a commitment to legalistic understandings of human rights and how engagement with human rights by activists outside of the court system in fora such as human rights reports enables activists to redefine and reshape understandings of human rights on their own terms (see also, Merry et al 2010). To this end, the analysis presented in this article is grounded in a content analysis of the EMPOWER women’s human rights report. These findings were supplemented with interviews conducted with EMPOWER director Maria Chin Abdullah in 2010 and 2012 (before and after the publication of the report) as well as other relevant source materials such as news media.
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When Urban Education Meets Community Activism:  A Case of Student Empowerment in New Orleans

When Urban Education Meets Community Activism: A Case of Student Empowerment in New Orleans

On Saturday morning by 9:15 the Kearney Hall Cafeteria Center at Dillard was full of people chatting in small groups before the forum began. Most of the faces were unfamiliar to me, but when the program began with introductions, I recognized many of the organizational affiliations that forum participants named. I soon discovered that the eclectic group that came together each month varied somewhat according to the topic of discussion, but often the same activist organizations came out to support issues of community concern. Public education was a hot-button issue for the entire city and everyone present seemed to want to contribute to a community action agenda on the topic. Participants spanned a wide range of political, cultural, and social groups, including Parent Advocates from the public school system, educators from Southern University of New Orleans, the Green Party of Louisiana, Estacion Libre, the Welfare Rights Organization, Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees (HERE), Junebug Productions, United Students Against Sweatshops and the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN), among others.
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Declaring the activism of black feminist theory

Declaring the activism of black feminist theory

Let’s focus on the other words of this title. The word ‘activism’ is inextricably bound up with the word ‘theory,’ and not just any theory, but the theory or thinking that comes from Black feminism; the often ignored, rich wealth of thinking, writing and declarations that come from the active intelligence, experience and history of Black, Asian and minority ethnic women. ‘Active’ because it comes out of life, is lived, is alive and is transformative. At Trafford Rape Crisis we take action; we proactively raise consciousness; we expose and dismantle the ideas and the behaviours that legitimize rape and sexual violence. I truly believe that Trafford Rape Crisis is feminist theory in action. Our support work with women survivors of sexual violence is founded upon feminist thinking in order to liberate.
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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF DEGREE OF ACTIVISM OF POLYTECHNIC AND ARTS DEGREE STUDENTS Meenakshi & Rachna

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF DEGREE OF ACTIVISM OF POLYTECHNIC AND ARTS DEGREE STUDENTS Meenakshi & Rachna

Activism is a social concept which stands for the non-conformist, inconsistent and disruptive behavior of youth. In the present research this phenomenon is used for the activities of student activists whose activities cause trouble in the normal and smooth functioning of the system of the institution. This study aims to compare the Degree of Activism of Polytechnic and Arts Degree students. The findings revealed that there is significant difference between the Degree of Activism of Polytechnic and Arts Degree students. There is significant difference between the Degree of Activism of male and female Arts Degree students. There is no significant difference between the Degree of Activism of male and femalePolytechnic students. There is significant difference between the Degree of Activism of Polytechnic male and Arts Degree male students. There is no significant difference between the Degree of Activism of Polytechnic female and Arts Degree female students.
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A Java-based framework for explicitly partitioning applications into distributable units

A Java-based framework for explicitly partitioning applications into distributable units

Mexican American Women Who Transfer From a Community Mexican American Women Who Transfer From a Community College to a Four-Year University: Participatory Research on College to a Fou[r]

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Why Women Still Ain’t Satisified: Politics and Activism in Canadian Child Care, 2006

Why Women Still Ain’t Satisified: Politics and Activism in Canadian Child Care, 2006

Women in Canada are still struggling to balance work, family and personal lives without the support of a well- developed accessible system of child care. Although the percent of children for whom child care is accessible has crept up over the years, the situation isn’t fundamentally better than it was in the 1980s when a much smaller pro- portion of women with young children were in the paid labour force. The 2006 election of the Harper government eliminated even the better-late-than-never first steps that were being taken. But at the end of 2006, a federal elec- tion is on the near horizon and the child care movement is well positioned to ensure that child care will be at the top of political agendas.
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We worry about survival : American Indian women, sovereingty [sic], and the right to bear and raise children in the 1970s

We worry about survival : American Indian women, sovereingty [sic], and the right to bear and raise children in the 1970s

Historian Devon Mihesuah maintains that “If feminists want to learn about themselves and others… they should approach Indigenous women only with a genuine, but respectful curiosity about another way of life.” 18 This project proceeds from the theoretical perspective that the way in which Indian women experienced and expressed feminism varied not only from “dominant” white-feminists’ paradigms but also from one indigenous woman to the next. For example, Joy Harjo, Creek writer, defined tribal feminism as a “multi-sphered concept with the family as the center, surrounded by clan identification, and then tribe and tribal relations.” 19 Alternatively, Wilma Mankiller, former Principle Chief of the Cherokee Nation, employed the term to describe using female power to assist her tribe. 20 This study uses the terms “feminist” and “activist” to describe how Indian women interpreted their identities and political struggles. From this perspective, the project investigates what Red Power and women’s organizations offered and failed to offer Indian women. It looks at how American Indian women defined reproductive justice and tribal sovereignty. The study seeks to answer the following questions: How did Indian women advance their agendas of stopping coerced sterilization and Indian child adoption? Did they seek participation in existing organizations or create their own? Were Indian women able to effect the change they wanted for themselves and
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Embodied online activism: breastfeeding activism (lactivism) on Facebook

Embodied online activism: breastfeeding activism (lactivism) on Facebook

expressed by ‘liking’, otherwise reacting, or commenting on a post by a ‘fellow breastfeeding mama’. Moreover, media have become ‘infrastructures of intimacy’ and connections are now formed not only with other people, but with ‘devices, apps and platforms’ (Paasonen 2018, 104). The forms of action facilitated by the specific technological infrastructure of Facebook and the activities of lactivist groups within its specific landscape are intertwined with the intimate connections between ‘wise ladies on my phone’ and our intimacies. Through mass actions involving posting of brelfies or documenting NIP lactivism has also shaped the medium. Facebook used to routinely remove breastfeeding images and users who shared such images risked having their accounts suspended or deleted (cf. Lunceford, 2012), but following considerable pressure by lactivists Facebook had to acknowledge that sharing breastfeeding images is not a violation of its ‘community standards’ and does not represent obscene material. Repeated posting of the same type of imagery purposefully risking being ‘banned’ by Facebook, also demonstrates the ways in which tactics used by lactivists are based on ‘ethics of tenacity’ (de Certau 1988, 26) – unrelenting devotion to what is seen as ‘just’. Feona Atwood, Jamie Hakim and Alison Winch (2017, 250) note that while the sphere of the intimate ‘excites considerable fascination and attention’, it is seen at present as ‘relatively unimportant within the wider scheme of political and public life’, due in part to the division between the ‘capitalist sphere of production and the site of social reproduction’. Doggedly intruding the public with the embodied practice of breastfeeding and a politics rooted in an allegiance to others who engage in it, lactivism seems to be (re)politicising the intimate.
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Declaring the activism of black feminist theory

Declaring the activism of black feminist theory

Sara Ahmed, Gargi Bhattacharyya, Carole Boyce Davies, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Sunera Thobani, Hannana Siddiqui from Southall Black Sisters (2013) and Dalia Farah from FORWARD (2002-2013). It should be acknowledged that Ann Phoenix, Gail Lewis and Kum Kum Bhavnani accepted the invitation to speak, but, due to mitigating personal circumstances, were not able to come on the day. Indeed, during the planning and invitation to keynote speakers I was asked, how did you manage to get these famous keynote speakers to agree to come to Trafford? The implication in the question was based on a hierarchical thinking of how could someone so low down the academic ladder manage to pull off such a prestigious large scale event (in a matter of six months from the initial idea to the actual event). I/we felt it was imperative for Black women in our local communities to hear, experience, meet and talk with these Black feminist thinkers; a deliberate intervention to trouble and question the, membership, construction and borders of academic spaces.
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