Applying Van Dyke‟s (1999) model of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the data, it was found that selected campaign posters of female Nigerian politicians are replete with religious sentiments, promotion of family heritage and links, and gender-based emotion. It is noteworthy that Nigeria has been depleted and has suffered terribly from the hands of corrupt and inept leaders. With women participation in politics, the country can definitely grow into a viable, stable, secure and developed nation whose leaders are insightful, determined and functional, who can effectively fashion-out different variables towards addressing many of the attendant problems bedevilling the country‟s development. To achieve these, Nigerian women in politics need to embrace the reality that political and election victory is not won without proper planning, documentation of enduring policies and ideas, adopting and adapting unbeatable strategies, and also versatility that can stand the test of time. In this, religious sentiments, family heritage and gender-based emotion must be de-emphasised, but accentuate intellectual and technical competence, purposeful agenda, and experience which promotes the aspirant‟s suitability for the positions being sought.
The women’s social right and political participation in Islamic states are perceived as the conflictual issues that Islamic fundamentalism and misinterpretaion are know as the biggest reasons for contradition views regarding the womne’s status. Some scientists have been proposed two main approaches for considering women in Islamic states in relation to the political range. First, the state itself plays a vital role in prescribing and shaping women’s role in politics, social activities, and culturally through its politics and laws. The second approach is considering women as political actors, examining how women participate in the political environment. And do formal politics such as office holding, voting, involving in movements and collective actions in nationalist, Islamist, feminist or civil society organizations or we can say any activity which can be treated politically. These two approaches are more correlated with each other, of course, it seems that the marginalization of women in politics states the systems that are in operation to women’s contrary (Offenhauer, 2005:87).
It is possible that women-in-politics advocate may be confronted with the issues concerning Patricia Olubunmi Etteh’s debacle at the National Assembly – the graft; she was eventually shown the way out. Before being taken up, we, the authors of this paper, would want to quickly say that they are aware of Professor Adenike Grange’s debacle at the Federal Ministry of Health. She was charged to court with others for sharing the unspent vote for the year 2007. While not giving excuses for her, we are sure that she must have been misled by the male workers surrounding her. She was never a civil servant; she was not a politician before being made a Minister for Health. Consequently, she crashed. People said she was a decent woman. The little hiccups from these few women above are just too inconsequential when one sees men being daily accused and charged to court for graft. The above scenario should not be an obstacle to women; rather, one should learn from their downfall so as not to fall into men’s traps.
direction. The results demonstrate that women are more likely to be satisfied with these services in their towns than their male counterparts, which runs counter to what was hypothesized. Though contrary to what was originally expected, it could be the case that women are satisfied with these services in their towns of residence, but this does not mean that it is the case that they are satisfied with these types of services nationwide. In other words, satisfaction with quality and availability of social welfare services such as health and education in the respondent’s town does not necessarily translate to satisfaction with these services elsewhere. Also, being satisfied with the services provided locally does not necessarily mean that women lack concerns about these services. It could be the case that the services provided are satisfactory, with the expectation that they could be better provided for. Therefore, though women seem to be more satisfied than men with health and education services in their towns, they may still be concerned with matters of social welfare provisions as indicated by the results reported in Table 5. It could also be the case that these findings are a result of a long standing patriarchal system that has instilled a sense of gratitude in women in the hopes of keeping women from challenging men’s decisions. If this is the case, the finding would suggest that women may be grateful for what they have simply because of what has been engrained in them through patriarchal socialization, thus explaining the results. Unfortunately, given the data available, this speculation cannot be tested.
Participation of the Albanian women in decision-making processes and in politics in particular remains at a low level, compared to other countries of Eastern and Central Europe. Level of participation of the Albanian women in politics is conditioned by qualities of democratic development of society; from economical, social and cultural development of the country; by heritage and existing mentalities; way of education and of expectation that society has for boys and girls; features of the transition period in Albania, etc. Regarding to the positions in local government, again level of participation remains low. In recent local elections (October 2003) out of 76 candidates (men and women) for city mayor only three women were elected, and for heads of city hall units three of them were elected, so, only 4 percent 61. While, for the position of the chairman of municipality out of 308 of candidates, men and women, only 6 women were elected, so, only 2 percent. Seats held by women in 2009 national parliament’s % 16.4 (Instat, World statistics pocket book, 2010).The data shows that the Albanian women are interested in politics but the obstacles are preventing them in involving politics.
Abstract Poor participation of women in politics and governance has been a major concern at global level. In Nigeria, women participation in politics is not proportionate to the 50% of the nation’s population which they represent and has not translated into equal representation in political leadership positions. The global issue of goal 3 (to promote gender equality and empower women) of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and other international clarion calls for bridging the gap created by long-term discriminations against women and making women visible in politics made Nigeria to recognize women in the political sphere, and include them in both appointive and elective positions. Yet, there persists poor participation of women in politics and the number of women in political positions in Nigeria is growing at a slow rate despite efforts to change such trend. Based on secondary sources of information, this paper, examined the challenges Nigerian women still face in active participation in politics such as discriminatory socio-cultural and religious practices; lack of finance; under-representation of women in governance; unhealthy political environment; political party discrimination; wrong perception of women in politics; lack of family, fellow women and media support; indigenization of women political aspirants; among others. This paper recommended measures to guarantee women active participation in politics in Nigeria such as review of discriminatory practices; economic empowerment; support from family, fellow women and media; equal representation in governance; healthy political environment; proper perception of women in politics, among others.
Here it is important to consider Rancière’s notion of ‘the factory of the sensible, as the formation of a shared sensible world, a common habitat, by the weaving together of a plurality of human activities’ (Rancière, 2009, p. 43). But the idea of ‘a common habitat’ is always an agonistic process for Rancière, a site of struggles and conflicts, ‘a polemical distribution of modes of being and “occupations” in a space of possibilities’ (p. 43). In the Platonic world of the Republic that Rancière has persistently criticized in his discussion of the politics of ‘the distribution of the sensible’, work takes up time and thus de facto excludes workers from the city politics or from artistic practices. As already noted above, there is a very clear and strict division of roles, activities and responsibilities in the Platonic Republic. But starting with Schiller’s aesthetic revolution that radically challenged the boundaries between active understanding and passive sensibility, work was rethought of as a crucial aesthetic practice in the distribution of the sensible. Indeed Rancière argues, the Marxist notion of work, as ‘the generic essence of mankind’ (p. 44) emerged in the context of the aesthetic programme of German Idealism, ‘art as the transformation of thought into the sensory experience of the community’ (p. 44).
Hairstyle, as a practice of beauty, has become an important signifier for (racial) political and social power structures in post-colonial societies. The tensions of these ‘politics of beauty’ are typically explored through Western debates. This study examines how politics of beauty in Tamale (the capital of Ghana’s Northern region) challenge Western hegemonic beauty ideals and juxtapose them with religious sensibilities and understandings of the roles of gender, performativity and post-colonial power-structures. At the same time, it depicts the cosmetology sector in Ghana as one of the largest developing sectors for female education and empowerment and therefore demonstrates the significance of this research area in studying women’s identity politics. The research draws on two months of ethnographic fieldwork in Tamale; visiting four different Madams and their hair salons, using audiovisual recordings, participant observation, semi-structured and informal interviews. The outcome is a dual-part thesis. The first part consists of a 35-minute film that explores the politicisation of beauty practices and observes the situation of the protagonists within this field. The second part is an article that complements the film and negotiates the politics of representation regarding both the topic ‘politics of beauty’ and ‘visual ethnography’ as theory and method. This research tries to provide a local context, both visual and textual, to a global debate in order to allow Ghanaian (and to a larger extent) non-western women to experience more agency and independence, both in society and in debates surrounding their identity and beauty practices.
More recently, after 9/11 and the war on terror with growing Talibanization and extremism in society, extreme violence was also committed against women politicians. The late Ms. Huma Usman - the Minister for Social Welfare - was killed by a man, who in his statement said that he killed her because she was dressed inappropriately and that women should not be involved in politics (Ishtiaq, A. 2007). Ms. Bakhtiar, the then Tourism Minister resigned in 2007, after hard-line Islamic clerics accused her of hugging her male coach after a charity parachute jump in France. Her photos appeared on social media websites, which resulted in an outcry against her. The pressure from religious groups was so intense that she resigned and failed to win the support of her cabinet colleagues (Ishtiaq, A. 2007a). In December 2007, Ms. Bhutto was also assassinated in terrorist attacks. Ms. Shery Rehman was threatened for raising concerns over blasphemy law of Pakistan inside and outside parliament. It is argued that women are continue to lose the larger struggle for equal rights in the face of an increasingly conservative and anti-women agendas of religio-political forces in Pakistan (Zia, 2009).
There are other hints in biographies and literary reviews, that a reaction was setting in against Smith even within her own lifetime. The Monthly Magazine suggests that her ‘novels.. ..brought on her much undeserved abuse’, but the reviewer defends Smith, suggesting that such remarks emanated from ‘the stupid, the unfeeling, or the envious’ and were ‘n o t very surprising’ since ‘her intellectual superiority was too obvious to escape the shafts o f envy and malignity’ (Monthly Magazine, p. 248). Smith’s open support o f the French Revolution in Desmond and her declaration o f her rights as a woman to write politically in that same novel had proved unpopular, but the argument put forward here is that the reaction against Smith was partly due to her excellence as a writer. A woman w ho w rote mediocre novels and verse might be tolerated by eighteenth century culture, bu t a w oman w ho w rote well and influentially could only be perceived as a threat. Smith’s sister Catherine D orset echoes this evaluation b ut also suggests alternative reasons for the decline in Smith’s popularity, writing in her m emoir o f the poet that ‘[i]f she derived a high degree o f gratification in the homage paid to her talents, it was embittered by the envenomed shafts o f envy and bigotry, and by the calumnies o f anonymous defamers’; these attacks she suggests were based on two features o f Smith’s writing which transgressed w hat was considered proper in w om en’s writing, either by omission or inclusion: ‘[b]y some she has been censured, because there is no religion in her w orks’ and ‘[i]n introducing politics in one o f her works, she incurred equal censure, and with greater reason; it was sinning against good taste in a female writer’ (Dorset, p. 326). It is significant that D orset dismisses the lack o f religion in her sister’s works, which is a m ore marked and constant feature o f her writing than politics, with the com m ent that it was n o t ‘then the fashion o f the day as it has becom e since’ to include much religion in novels, and points instead to the inclusion o f politics as the main bone o f contention, since this is an offence against acceptable behaviour in a ‘female writer’.
In the new millennium, crime fiction has diversified to become a media and cultural phenomenon. It is as a result of this diversification, a result of the ‘strange genre of Nordic Noir’, that crime fiction is enjoying a vibrant and growing position in the fields of not only literary studies, but translation, television, film and cultural studies the world over. By re- centring the focus on Larsson’s tale on a locked-room violent thriller in which economic fraud (a Swedish company ripping off the government to fund a fake business in Russia) rather than violence against women becomes the real – and punished - crime of the tale. His publishers mobilise the political heritage of the crime genre to highlight a corruption that permeates society. As we are reminded by Blomkvist, ‘when it comes down to it, this story is not primarily about spies and secret government agencies, it’s about violence against women, and the men who enable it’ (514) This crusading journalist and his freelance private
In a study of divorced women living in second-tier cities, sociologist Monica Liu (2017) found that there were two major reasons for the dissolution of marriage: the husband’s infidelity and/or domestic violence originating out of the man’s inability to cope with job loss, alcoholism, gambling, and debt. Not only has the divorce rate risen, but also the number of single, underprivileged mothers: in 2011, the number of single mothers increased by an estimated 1.61 million (Ding and Xu 2015, 110). Statistical studies also show that most single mothers face financial hardship, with alimony not sufficient to cover the rising costs of a child’s education, and medical requirements. But it is not just these economic problems that divorced women confront, it is also the trauma of marital breakdown in a society which places so much emphasis on family. The emotional turmoil and profound anxieties which divorce brings, especially with regard to the guardianship of a marriage’s one child, reinforce a woman’s perception of gender inequality. Chinese men are reluctant to marry a divorced woman with a child – as one interview told sociologists Ding and Xu (2015): ‘It is too hard and too complicated to hold the two families together.’ Because divorcées continue to be highly stigmatized, and because male infidel- ity is so widespread, there has now emerged a new kind of business enterprise: the mistress dispeller. Adultery is rife in China, with ‘men thirteen times as likely to stray as women’ (Fan 2017, 23). For some wives unable to put up with their husband’s waywardness, the mistress dispeller which is usually an agency hired by a wife to stave off the paramour for a fee, has become common in major Chinese cities. Tactics include payment, threats of exposure to family or friends, and subterfuge whereby the mistress is photographed with another man and the documentation sent to her married lover. The personage of the mistress is often portrayed in films and internet dramas as a predatory and irresistible homewrecker – the ‘little third’ (xiaosan) in the popular television series ‘Dwelling Narrowness’ (Woju) was herself a graduate of a top-ranked Shanghai university and could have well supported herself, but instead chose to live off a senior married official as his mistress (Hung 2012; Zurndorfer 2016). Cynicism about the stability of the institution of Chinese marriage pervades the mistress dispeller industry. As the owner of one agency employing some 300 persons told a reporter ‘There are no enduring marriages. Only mistresses who haven’t worked hard enough at tearing it apart’ (Fan 2017, 23).
Gender was a salient feature in the 2016 presidential election. This was partly due to Donald Trump, who projected a particular type of masculinity that had to that point not been associated with the presidency. Jill Filipovic describes him as a “new kind of old-school American man” and a “paradigm of feckless male entitlement, embracing male power while abnegating the traditional masculine requirements of chivalry, courtesy and responsibility” (“What Donald Trump Thinks”). Most importantly, he is “a throwback to days when authority and power were exclusively white and male by definition, when displays of masculine entitlement were overt and unapologetic” (“What Donald Trump Thinks”). The focus on gender in the 2016 election, however, was mostly due to Hillary Clinton’s historic feat of being the first woman to be nominated for President of the United States by a major party. The novel presence of women in this particular sphere highlighted how the institution of the presidency has been gendered as masculine and how this masculinity had up until then been perceived as the status quo (Duerst- Lahiti and Oakley 29). While support for a Clinton presidency was far-reaching, she faced unprecedented obstacles during her campaign, which were for a large part the result of her being a woman in a domain that had been dominated and therefore shaped by men for over 200 years. The 2016 election was significant in this respect, as it was the first time the hypothesis about gender-incongruency in the presidency, as well as hypotheses about the influence of gender on the electability of women for the American presidency could be tested against empirical evidence.
The place of social justice - an underpinning morality but not the whole story? McKenzie et al (2008) and Furman (2012) explain how social justice leadership espouses a set of values and encourages certain types of behaviour and my findings demonstrate how many of these aspects are analogous with the leadership of senior women in FE. All the participants were clear about the focus of their work and their values which underpinned this focus. This can be seen most clearly by my research sample who revealed their focus and values through their affirmations and reported actions. This unanimity of principle, namely the importance of the learner and their learning opportunities to develop, shows a congruence between the values of women leaders and the purpose of the FE sector as a ‘vehicle for local, economic and social regeneration’ (Stoten 2011 p.155) which additionally, as Jephcote et al (2008 p.164) suggest, encourages ‘social cohesion and social justice’. Social justice leadership is an approach which is endorsed by leading educational writers, for example Ball (1997), and which, for me, ratifies unassailable principles about the purpose of education in general, and FE in particular. Notwithstanding this, and given that social justice predominated but did not exclude other facets of leadership, and given that I have a difficulty with the term (apart from the instability of the
remained either forgotten by or at the margins of most development plans, but whose lives have been forever changed by them. Delhi’s urban villagers are one such people. Focusing on the gender politics of development by employing an intersectional approach what might otherwise be invisible. In this paper, I have sought to demonstrate how the shift from a peasant subsistence economy to a capitalist urban economy has had specific implications for gender relations and dynamics between different communities, how the intersection of caste and gender norms influences male and female bodies’ negotiation of urban village spaces, and how development, marginalization and resistance are far from gender neutral in such spaces. The DDA’s acquisition of agricultural land in the name of ‘urban development’ has had several perverse effects on gender politics and community dynamics in the village. The gendered ways in which the acquisition might affect the village inhabitants not having been one of DDA’s concerns has meant that male members of the dominant Jat community in Shahpur Jat continue to grapple with a crisis of masculinity triggered by the loss of agricultural land. In a society where hegemonic masculinity is located in men who are typically associated with public, productive spheres, with paid work outside the home, the Jat men losing the fields they owned and worked on, and rent replacing farming as a way of life has meant that the mechanism through which they fulfilled their role as bread earners for their families, and in doing so conformed to hegemonic masculine ideals, is no longer available to them.
Themes: This course asks students to participate in a seminar-based evaluation of women as foreign policy decision-makers, notably with reference to (a) the willingness and ability of female leaders to use force in international politics; (b) self-constructions of gender identity; and (c) linkages between women elites and feminist activism at the global level. The course is designed to stimulate the preparation of high-quality student research papers. Given this highly structured emphasis on seminar participation and cross-fertilization across student projects, no other research or writing assignments will be admitted as substitutes for the course requirements outlined below.
Additionally, aid has encouraged Museveni to ignore a conflict that has affected only those in his political opposition, and thereby eliminating them as a viable threat. The British colonizers only crystallized pre-existing divisions between the North and South, and more specifically between the Baganda and Acholi. By giving privileges to the South and by neglecting the North, the British established a political system of inequality. As a result, in its post-independence history, Uganda has experienced persistent and recurring ethnically- and regionally-motivated violence. For instance, Idi Amin's "brutality and buffoonery made world headlines as hundreds of thousands of people were killed," and Milton Obote tortured and murdered 250,000 people at the beginning of his second regime. 18 Museveni's politics have only differed from his predecessors in that he targets the North for political oppression. Many Acholi, for instance, believe that "Museveni created the [Internally Displaced Person] camps to neutralize them as a source of political opposition." 19 He has prolonged the conflict, they argue, so that he can justify spending on his political base--the army. Northerners have often asked: "'How can the President support the SPLA, the RPF and the Kabila and still pretend that he is lacking the means to protect the Acholi from the LRA?'" 20 Without US assistance, the situation would have been different. Foreign aid has funded the IDP camps, food relief, and medical care. With the camps paid for, his political base satisfied, and his opposition successfully quieted and marginalized, what motivation does Museveni have to bring an end to the conflict?
An interesting contribution to the study of pressure groups suggested that the influence of outsider groups may have been underestimated as their main contribution may have been in relation to agenda setting rather than influencing the policy process itself. 2 The politics of collective consumption is in large part about opening up new spaces on the political agenda, introducing issues that are embarrassing for producer interests and difficult for them to counteract. Nevertheless, outsider tactics may be counter- productive, while interventions by authoritative experts engaging in a dialogue with decision makers can still be highly effective. These ideas are explored here in relations to two issues that have attracted attention in the past year: obesity and diet, and more specifically the issue of high salt levels in processed foods; and the issue of how fathers of children are treated in terms of contact with their children after divorce settlements. Obesity attracted considerable media attention in 2004. The present phase of interest in the subject followed investigations conducted by the World Health Organisation. However, reports of an international organisation would not attract such extensive interest unless they pushed a number of political buttons. Obesity is on the increase in western societies, and it is a visible problem that can be easily documented and