Women’s perceptions and experiences of domestic violence screening in a maternity setting

Top PDF Women’s perceptions and experiences of domestic violence screening in a maternity setting:

An exploration of women's perceptions and lived experiences of domestic violence and abuse in the context of their pregnancy

An exploration of women's perceptions and lived experiences of domestic violence and abuse in the context of their pregnancy

As intimated previously, individually the women exhibited varying and shifting emotions during the interviews. Unlike Susan, others became very quiet or distressed when recalling some of the ways in which the men behaved towards them. Yet even though the women found recounting their experiences distressing, especially when this involved disclosure around sexual violence, I was often taken aback by just how willing the women were to share such intimate experiences. At the same time I admired their strength to endure and tolerate the sexual abuse, wondering how they managed to carry on with their daily living when they had endured such extreme abuse. For some, this had been over a period of many years. Whilst listening to the women recall their experiences, I felt a mixture of emotions. I found listening to such experiences distressing. Sometimes their narratives were so explicit, it almost felt as if I was actually there, positioning myself in their experience. I also felt immense anger towards the men who had perpetrated the abusive behaviours. Occasionally, this anger and frustration was directed towards a particular organisation such as the police or health. Occasionally, individual woman offered accounts of how they had asked for help from a person or organisation, but their appeal for help or support was not acted upon. In such instances, I struggled to suppress my own feelings, trying to control my verbal and non verbal responses, in retrospect, there were times, when I was not very successful at doing either.
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Screening for domestic violence in Jordan: validation of an Arabic version of a domestic violence against women questionnaire

Screening for domestic violence in Jordan: validation of an Arabic version of a domestic violence against women questionnaire

woman’s experiences with wife abuse, one can either ask her to define if she was abused or not or to give specific examples of abusive acts. There are various types of abuse: sexual, physical, or emotional. Any experiences of abuse can also include all these three components. For example, the definition of sexual abuse might vary from oral, vaginal, or anal penetration, to any unwanted sexual activity, to contact and no contact, including threats in varying degrees, or in combination with other kinds of abuse. The definition also may be very detailed, including age limits of the victim. The time aspects of abuse also have to be defined, eg, occurrence ever in life, during the past year, during pregnancy, or if the abuse happened once or was repeated.
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“Keeping family matters behind closed doors”: healthcare providers’ perceptions and experiences of identifying and managing domestic violence during and after pregnancy

“Keeping family matters behind closed doors”: healthcare providers’ perceptions and experiences of identifying and managing domestic violence during and after pregnancy

Domestic violence is common among pregnant women attending for antenatal care [5]. Women are increasingly accessing care during pregnancy in Pakistan, and there is a window of opportunity now to adapt and amend avail- able care packages to include comprehensive screening and, where needed, support for domestic violence. Cur- rently, healthcare providers in Pakistan do not routinely screen for domestic violence. However, many healthcare providers are open to screening women for domestic violence during antenatal and postnatal care using a cul- turally sensitive approach and to then refer women to a specifically trained healthcare provider or family liaison officer for further counselling and support. This study provides an understanding of the complexity of factors associated with domestic violence, provides recommen- dations for pathways to develop programs and is useful for policy advisors in developing efficient strategies to improve the screening, detection and management of domestic violence in women during and after pregnancy in Pakistan.
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Screening for Domestic Violence in the Community Pediatric Setting

Screening for Domestic Violence in the Community Pediatric Setting

Results. Of the 154 women screened, 47 (31%) re- vealed DV at some time in their lives. Twenty-five women (17%) reported DV within the past 2 years and were reported to the mandated state agency. There were 5 episodes of child abuse reported of which two had not been previously reported. Interestingly, there were 5 women injured during their most recent pregnancy and who had separated from their abusive partner, but no legal action had been taken to protect them from their partner’s return. There was no significant difference in the incidence of DV reported in families with Medicaid (37%) versus private insurance (20%). Before routine DV screening in our office, only one previous DV report had been made in 4 years.
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A five year follow up study of the Bristol Pregnancy and Domestic Violence Programme (BPDVP) to promote routine antenatal enquiry for domestic violence at North Bristol Trust

A five year follow up study of the Bristol Pregnancy and Domestic Violence Programme (BPDVP) to promote routine antenatal enquiry for domestic violence at North Bristol Trust

The main aim of the focus group interviews was to provide the midwives with space to freely discuss and express their thoughts and feelings regarding their role, in terms of routine enquiry for domestic violence. In particular, the interview allowed the researchers to build up a view of the interaction and discussion between the midwives. The project researchers, KB and DS attended both group meetings, with the purpose of guiding each of the sessions whilst attempting not to be intrusive. One of the researchers took notes during the discussions, identifying non-verbal cues, including body language. The second acted an facilitator, encouraging all participants to contribute and guiding the flow of conversation using a semi- structured topic guide. The interviews took place at the University in a relaxed setting to encourage the sharing of views and perspectives. The interviews lasted for one hour. For the purpose of the data collection, the aim was to have an emphasis in the questioning on a fairly tightly defined topic (Bryman 2008), which was their experiences of asking women about domestic abuse during pregnancy. The focus group interview was considered appropriate as it allowed the midwives to discuss and debate their experiences in a relatively unstructured way. According to King and Horrocks (2010) focus group interviews, if facilitated correctly by the group facilitator, can reveal the social and cultural context of people’s attitudes and understanding. The focus group interviews allowed the
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Korean American Women's Community Activism and Their Response to Domestic Violence in Philadelphia

Korean American Women's Community Activism and Their Response to Domestic Violence in Philadelphia

Further, the accounts reveal how domestic violence is conceptualized differently in American society and Korean society and how these varied conceptualizations influence individual perceptions of the phenomenon. From KAWAP volunteers perspectives, they see that while American society has low tolerance for physical violence and views it as a safety threat, Korean American society has a heightened tolerance due to differing conceptualizations and standards for safety. Their stories provide clear evidence that safety is a fluid concept (Frohmann, 2005). Even aggressive forms of physical violence often were not perceived as “unsafe” from the perspective of abused Korean American women. However, the individual perception of safety has been used as a method of assessing domestic violence. For example, the partner violence screening tool, consisting of three questions, has been widely used especially in healthcare settings (Guth and Pachter, 2000). This screening tool includes questions regarding individual perceptions of safety, such as, “Do you feel safe in your current relationship?” This screening tool is known to be a valid way to detect a large number of women who have a history of partner violence (Feldhaus et al, 1997). However, for Korean American women who do not conceptualize domestic violence as a threat to their safety, the validity of this screening tool needs to be re-examined.
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Diverse risks, diverse perpetrators: perceptions of risk and experiences of violence amongst street-based sex workers in New Zealand

Diverse risks, diverse perpetrators: perceptions of risk and experiences of violence amongst street-based sex workers in New Zealand

Thus risk perception in the street environment was, in some cases, informed by the women’s experiences of working both indoors and outdoors. However, these perceptions of risk were sometimes contradictory. The majority of the women said that they would not encourage someone new to the sex industry to begin working on the street. Indoor environments, although constructed as inhibiting individual autonomy, were considered more appropriate environments to learn the tricks of the trade. Rose explained: ‘I always say to girls if they are interested in starting work go and work in a parlour first because it makes you familiar with clients … it’s a good environment to learn in’. These contradictory accounts may relate to the diverse risks of violence on the street and the level of skill required to manage these risks in terms of screening clients, establishing and retaining control in the sexual encounter, and negotiating the street environment whilst avoiding conflict with other women. Several women indicated that knowing how to manage the competitive street environment was a key part of violence risk management. Those who were poorly prepared for this were perceived as more at risk. Catherine for instance explained that the street was not an unfriendly environment ‘if you manage it the right way’. Kay felt that for new workers it was important to initially ‘suss it out a little bit’ so as to avoid tensions with already established sex workers.
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The perceptions and experiences of women who achieved and did not achieve a waterbirth

The perceptions and experiences of women who achieved and did not achieve a waterbirth

Labour and birth is an individualised experience in- corporating physiological, emotional and psychosocial factors. As the trajectory of labour can be unpredictable [1], intrapartum care within a hospital setting often fo- cuses on the risk status of the woman rather than view- ing birth as a normal physiological process. Labouring and birthing in water facilitates a shift from high risk obstetric-led care to low risk midwifery-led care, where care is provided by an individual midwife or team of midwives [3, 4]. Midwifery-led models of care are based on the philosophy that pregnancy and birth are normal life events [3] as the majority of women and their babies remain healthy, with no comorbidities or risk factors [5]. Although models of midwifery-led continuity of care can involve a team of midwives, maternity care is usually provided within a caseload model [4]. Generally, a pre- requisite for acceptance into caseload midwifery is that women are obstetrically and medically low risk [3, 4, 6]. Midwives providing care to women within this model often work alongside another midwife or small team of midwives who are known to the woman and can provide backup if the primary midwife is not available [4, 6]. This means midwives can provide continuity of care 24 h a day across hospital settings, free standing birth centres and womens homes [4, 7]. Generally each mid- wife has a caseload of between 32 and 40 women per annum [6, 7].
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A Study on Visible Minority Immigrant Women’s Experiences with Domestic Violence

A Study on Visible Minority Immigrant Women’s Experiences with Domestic Violence

Important concerns were raised regarding the immigration system and its gendered effect. Hasina believed that the immigration system has important implications for immigrant women due to the unequal allocation of resources for men compared to women. Also, the new law, which requires women to stay with their partner for two years in order to attain permanent residency (i.e., conditional permanent resident status), puts more pressure on immigrant women, resulting in fewer and fewer women going through the immigration system. Additionally, the required three-year spousal dependency period poses obstacles for abused immigrant women as it can con- fine them to the abusive relationship. Nila’s experience with the spousal sponsorship policy shows how the re- quired mandatory period can reinforce women’s dependency on their spouse and pose barriers to seeking help with DV due to fear of losing legal status and financial security. Even though the current law reduces the spon- sored individual’s dependency on their spouse from ten to three years [35], it nonetheless continues to encourage dependency and power imbalance between the sponsor and the sponsored individual. This shows that spousal sponsorship policies, with required mandatory time periods, can have different implications for women dealing with DV whose experiences are influenced by interacting factors such as gender, economic status and immigra- tion status. Such policies need to take into account the different diversity axis that shape visible minority immi- grant women’s experiences with DV. Otherwise, they can deter visible minority immigrant women from report- ing abuse due to structural barriers that may inadvertently force them to choose legal security over personal se- curity.
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Gaining insight into how women conceptualize satisfaction: Western Australian women’s perception of their maternity care experiences

Gaining insight into how women conceptualize satisfaction: Western Australian women’s perception of their maternity care experiences

It is unusual for a woman to feel completely satisfied with every aspect of her care. More likely she will rank the quality of her care as satisfactory, but when asked to reflect on her experience she can often share what she liked and disliked [5]. Two decades ago a large Australian survey found that women experience greater satisfaction with their antenatal opposed to intrapartum care [6]. Other Australian research has found women who birth in the public sector were more likely to be satisfied than those birthing in the private sector, especially if they re- ceived professional support within 10 days post discharge [7]. Women who have increased obstetric intervention such as induction of labour are generally less satisfied with their care [8]. Indeed, a study comparing satis- faction with mode of birth found most women prefer a vaginal birth and that maternal satisfaction with vaginal birth was high [9].
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Mapping evidence of socio-cultural factors in intimate partner violence among young women: a scoping review protocol

Mapping evidence of socio-cultural factors in intimate partner violence among young women: a scoping review protocol

The scoping review will be conducted as a first part of the study focusing on socio-cultural factors influ- encing IPVAYW in Mozambique. This scoping review aims to map evidence of socio-cultural factors in IPV among young women in SSA. The findings of this re- view will identify the extent to which socio- cultural factors among young women influence IPV. The purpose is to establish the extent of existing re- search on socio-cultural factors on IPV in SSA. Al- though studies on factors of IPV are taking place in these countries [7], there is still a scarcity of evidence on types of socio-cultural factors on the IPVAYW [1, 10]. The researchers will limit the research to include published studies from 2008 to 2019. A 10-year litera- ture search is more likely to yield a comprehensive and balanced account of previous and current re- search in the area and to capture past as well as emerging perspectives on interventions on socio- cultural factors on IPV. This review will exclude stud- ies that report evidence on non-partner intimate vio- lence, as the focus is on intimate partner violence. The researchers therefore anticipate finding relevant literature on IPV in SSA. The results will provide documented evidence on socio-cultural factors on the IPVAYW and will help identify requirement priorities for primary research in this area. Due to how this study proposes to guide future research, the dissemin- ation plans include presentations on public health in- stitutions, local stakeholders, conference presentations and publication in journals. The review will also iden- tify priorities for primary research and future research.
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Psychometric Properties of a Screening Instrument for Domestic Violence in a Sample of Iranian Women

Psychometric Properties of a Screening Instrument for Domestic Violence in a Sample of Iranian Women

The collected data was analyzed using SPSS (version 13) and LISREL (version 8.8) software programs. Data analy- sis was performed using EFA and CFA. EFA is used when the researcher does not have enough information about the existence of hidden variables; thus, in this type of fac- tor analysis, there is no predetermined hypothesis. CFA is applied to confirm a predetermined hypothesis (18). In the present study, a predetermined hypothesis re- garding the components of domestic violence (physical, psychological, and sexual components) was assumed to be confirmed through CFA. To evaluate the suitability of the data for EFA, the Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin (KMO) index and Bartlett’s test were used. A KMO index ≥ 0.6 was consid- ered as the sufficiency of the samples, and a Bartlett’s test result < 0.05 was regarded as the significance of the rela- tionships between the variables for conducting the EFA (18). Besides, EFA was carried out through principal com-
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Domestic violence against women has memory

Domestic violence against women has memory

Any action or omission based on gender that causes death, wound, physical, sexual or psychological suffering and moral or patrimonial damage: I - at the domestic unit scope, comprehended as the space of people permanent interaction, with or without family bond, including sparseaggressions; II - in the family scope, understood as the community formed by individuals who are or consider themselves to be connected by natural bonds, by affinity or expressed desire; III - in any intimate affection relation, in which the offender lives or had lived with the victim, regardless of cohabitation. In paragraphs, I to V of article 7 of this same Law arearranged the forms of domestic and family violence: physical, psychological, sexual, moral and patrimonial. But in spite of the criminalization of these acts, the rates remain alarming. In 2013, about 700 thousand Brazilians have suffered domestic violence, primarily from their partnersthe lowest educated women were the most abused, approximately 71% of them (BRAZIL, 2013a). In 2017, the situation didn’t enhance because the number of women who reported having suffered some typeof domestic violence rose from 18% in 2015 to 29% in 2017 (BRAZIL, 2017). These data are still presumed high for the Brazilian reality and for this reason, we can’t be indifferent to this fact. Regardless of if we are directly or
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PTSD, depression, and anxiety among Palestinian women victims of domestic violence in the Gaza Strip

PTSD, depression, and anxiety among Palestinian women victims of domestic violence in the Gaza Strip

A number of previous studies have examined the incidence of domestic violence and attitudes towards male to female spousal abuse in Arabic countries and Islamic cultures. In a reported the results of two national surveys of married Palestinian woman living in the West Bank and Gaza strip. Living in rural areas and camps, poverty, unemployment, being a Muslim, husbands has a low level of education and women having a higher educational level than their husbands were factors predicted domestic violence in women [6]. In Syria, 26% of married women reported at least three instances of abuse during the year, while weekly battering occurred among 3.3% of married women [9]. Similarly, Bedouin Arab women in Israel have a 48% lifetime exposure rate to violence in their families [10]. Another, family public health survey from Iraq documented that 83.1% of women reporting at least one form of marital control. Overall, younger married women were the most likely to report restrictions; 74.5% of those aged 15 to 24 years reported having to ask permission to seek health care, compared to 60.3% of those aged 40 to 49 years. As for emotional or psychological violence, 33.4% of women reported at least one form of violence and 21.2% of women experienced physical violence [11].
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Experiences of Asian Women and Children Affected by Domestic Violence and Insecure Immigration Status

Experiences of Asian Women and Children Affected by Domestic Violence and Insecure Immigration Status

recognition of domestic violence in the Homelessness Act (2002) and the investment of monies towards service development including a dedicated help line provide much-needed support for agencies involved with domestic violence prevention, training and service support. The Crown Prosecution Service’s (CPS) review and subsequent progress on their policy addressing domestic violence cases has been welcomed, particularly by specialist refuge providers. However, this research supports the fact that even with these developments, many service staff remain uninformed of governmental initiatives, or are unfamiliar with their implications. For example, refuges remain frustrated with routes of access and the inconsistent liaison between the Police and CPS in referring cases that they feel warrant intervention. Refuges also rightly question how much of the funding will eventually find its way to those women with the greatest needs.
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Domestic violence against women in Jharkhand

Domestic violence against women in Jharkhand

domestic violence (Chowdhury, 2005). According to National Crime record that a case of cruelty done by either husband or relative occurs in one by every nine minutes. Though in India, its prevalence varies regionally. Regional differences may arise due to subdued status of women in the society or in the family mostly in different regions of the country. For example, domestic violence is more in northern region than southern region as in the northern region, women have no economical descendent opportunity from their parents where as in southern states, and women are powerful in their economic inheritance from their parents. Beyond this patriarchal inheritance, domestic violence is also dependent on many other socio- economic factors like educational status, family structure, women’s occupational status etc. In India, Jharkhand is the state with the highest percentage of illiterate women. The dowry system among the bridal party is very prevalent here, so a chance of women status or autonomy is very low. Babu and Kar (2009) have found the high rate of domestic violence in eastern India, mainly in Jharkhand state of India. Besides this, in Jharkhand, 46.2 % people belong in below poverty line (Census, 2001). Though it has one of the richest mineral reserves, yet there is great regional and social disparity within the state. Our focus of study is thus concentrated in Jharkhand. The main objective of the study is (i) to study the nature and extent of victimized women by various types of domestic violence and compare it with respect to all India level and (ii) to identify the correlation of domestic violence with different socio-economic variables.
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"Why would straight people think of it if we don't?" Intimate partner abuse amongst women in same sex relationships

"Why would straight people think of it if we don't?" Intimate partner abuse amongst women in same sex relationships

about IPA pervade service delivery practice guidelines and service providers perspectives (Irwin, 2008; Merlis & Linville, 2006; Simpson & Helfrich, 2005). Institutional barriers identified in previous studies that impact help-seeking include, a lack of civil protection in law where victims of SSIPA report exacerbated discrimination and limits to their legal rights (Elliot, 1996). This includes the omission of SSIPA language in domestic violence statutes and no option to apply for a protective order against a same sex partner (Burke et al., 2002) and a lack of SSIPA training among police officers, medical and mental health professionals (Alexander, 2002). A previously indicated, a lack of awareness and training may result in medical and mental health professionals and the police, assuming an individual is heterosexual (Turell & Herrmann, 2008), using heterosexist language in intake or assessment materials (St Pierre & Senn, 2010), using heterosexist promotional literature and advertisements (Donovan & Hester, 2014). With regard to healthcare providers, studies demonstrate that emergency and primary health care service providers conduct screening for IPA using heterosexist language that alienates lesbian victims (Ristock, 2001). In the case of the police, studies highlighted the misidentification of the victim as batterer and wrongful arrest (Wolf et al., 2003), or dual arrest (West, 1998).
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Agenda-setting for Canadian caregivers: using media analysis of the maternity leave benefit to inform the compassionate care benefit

Agenda-setting for Canadian caregivers: using media analysis of the maternity leave benefit to inform the compassionate care benefit

Care Benefit (CCB), was implemented in recognition of the informal caregiving work being required in light of the growing palliative and end-of-life population. Informal caregivers caring for families or friends at end-of-life can seek paid leave from work through the CCB. Both the MLB (including Parental Leave) and the CCB are legislated nationally through Employment Insurance (EI); applicants need to make contributions to the EI scheme in order to be successful in their application [26]. Contributions to the EI scheme occur through workplace payroll deductions, irrespective of the employees work status as either full-time or part-time, for example. While the financial supports available from both the MLB and the CCB are legislated through national policy, the individual provinces have jurisdiction beyond what is stipulated by the federal government; these are defined by provincial labour laws which, for example, guarantee women the right to take the MLB. National legislation is the sole focus herein. Differences between individual provincial and workplace policies, which may vary widely from the national stan- dards, are not explored. The unique eligibility requirements and program features of both the MLB and CCB are summarized in Table 1.
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A focus group study of women’s views and experiences of maternity care as delivered collaboratively by midwives and health visitors in England

A focus group study of women’s views and experiences of maternity care as delivered collaboratively by midwives and health visitors in England

Finally, women contributed strategies for improving current maternity care provisions, aligned with the Na- tional Maternity Review [35] and Public Health England and Department of Health (UK) midwife-health visitor partnership pathway [8], specifically focussed on inter- professional collaboration. These included service changes, most notably an increased offering of group-based antenatal care collaboratively delivered by midwives and health visitors within community-based services. Existing maternity care pathways set out in line with policies such as the Healthy Child Programme [1] recommend group-based antenatal classes delivered in community or healthcare settings to enhance social sup- port. Accordingly, women in this study considered such classes as a valuable resource, and a channel through for obtaining social support. However, there is evidence to suggest that health visitor involvement in antenatal clas- ses is lacking [36]. Thus, currently available classes [36] do not meet these women’s suggestion of classes jointly provided by midwives and health visitors and needs to be considered. Successful collaborative working in ma- ternal health have been characterised by the provision of opportunities for health professionals to interact with each other and have shared activities [32], which was also reported to be influential by midwives and health visitors. Taken together, the evidence highlights the po- tential value of group antenatal classes for women, mid- wives, and health visitors alike.
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Domestic violence among women workers: A survey

Domestic violence among women workers: A survey

But of the types of domestic violence, physical abuse is only one form of abuse. Domestic violence can be physical, emotional, psychological, financial, or sexual. Being victimized by a situation of domestic violence can create feelings of helplessness and even self-doubt, so it's important that you understand the different signs of abuse so that you can identify the problem and get help. The table 3 explains about types of domestic violence comparatively rural and urban areas. The highest type of violence is makes on physical 41percent both in rural and urban areas, in that total urban areas are (43%) slightly high than the rural areas (39%). For physical violence as slapping kicking, hitting, beating, through object etc. Next to 40 percent makes financial violence both areas, in that total dominant (49%) in rural areas and remaining (31%) urban areas. The reasons are more than high in rural areas women are daily went for work’s and they are getting wages, so many of husband are become a alcoholics and bad habits (Playing cards, betting, watching movies in towns). Every time they want to money so this reasons are becoming a financial violence. Verbal (8%) and psychological (8%) violence’s are equal proportional, verbal violence makes scold, abuse, blaming, using obscene language, humiliate and scram. In the psychological context is differing from others like continuously put on stress, stress as went depression, depression as chronic as a mental ill-health. Last but not the
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