Top PDF A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

When we are told to take “right seriously”, what rights are we talking about: Hayekian rights regulating laissez faire [62], Barry’s impartiality that is condu- cive to democratic socialism, etc. [63]. The debate over natural law—ordinary law still continues, with Dworkin as its strongest adherent today. His chief criti- que R. A. Posner today argues that natural law according to (Q1) and (Q2) is merely a set of moral prescriptions, and not LAW at all [64] [65]. I agree with Posner in his rejection of Dworkin’s confusion of jurisprudence and moral phi- losophy. If Dworkin managed to smash legal positivism of Hart’s kind with his rejuvenated natural law philosophy, he certainly did not crush the other alterna- tives, legal realism and legal pragmatism. Law is not a set of Platonic ideas, as ju- risprudence is a practical discipline.
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The political thought of Sayyid Quṭb

The political thought of Sayyid Quṭb

a) The Communist Societies< 1 ) : Based on Marxism, 4-t»s- ultimate aim is to set up a classless society, with all means of production, distribution and exchange in society belonging to the public(2). Marxism wants to demolish the walls of race and colour, nation and geographical region based on a "class system". It denies the existence of god and believes that the universe was created by " matter *'• or by "nature", while all man's activities and his history have been created by "'economic factors " or "the means of
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An Introduction to Morteza Motahari''''s Political Thought

An Introduction to Morteza Motahari''''s Political Thought

words, for understanding, describing and analyzing the world we need to choose one of the methods. We can have a rational method or we can just rely on the old sayings. Using the say- ings in a radical way ended to some schools of thoughts like Akhbari-thinking in jurisprudence and Ashari-thinking in Kalam. The first one was used for a while amongst Shiite sect and the second one was used amongst Sunnis. The first school had an intellectual dogmatism during in- terpretation of Quran and the second one had an intellectual dogmatism, which did not tolerate any interpretation of Quran but facial interpretation, specially rejecting the rational interpreta- tions. It seems that in the old days, Motekallems (theologians) were mostly interested in textual method (which means refereeing to the religious sayings as an argumentative method) while the religious philosophers were interested more in the rational method. In this new age, the religious thinkers are not considered pure rationalists because today ration is set free from any adjective bounding it. In the other words, the realm of reason and intellect is divided from the realm of in- terpretation and meaning. The first one deal with the actual matters and the other deals with tex- tual matters –also it does not neglect the influence of outside knowledge on the interpretation of inside meaning. The divided realms accordingly overlap in their applicability not their nature. 27. The question of how much Motahari’s method is as Falsifiability is not our main matter of con-
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A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

Some features of the book's structure too mark a break with Ullmann's. Beginning Chapter 1 in the fourth century rather than the mid-fifth allows Canning to appreciate the importance of Constantine's reign, and to set Justinian's ideology of Christian Empire in its full Late Antique context. It also means the inclusion of Augustine (pp. 39-43), and this provides the basis for consideration of 'I'augustinisme politique' in the Carolingian period. Though he accords no recognition to the work of Peter Brown (Beryl Smalley ed., Trends in Medieval Political Thought ( 1965), including indispensable papers by Brown and others, is quite the most surprising omission from his Bibliography), Canning writes with benefit of The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought ( l 9F) edited by J.H. Burns, and makes good use of the sections by Donald Nicol on Byzantium, and by P. D. King on the barbarian kingdoms: the notes to Canning's Chapter 1 contain seven references to The Cambridge History. Chapter 2 is clearly seen by Canning himself as an important and distinctive feature of his book: the period from the eighth century to the eleventh was, he writes (p. 44), 'of crucial significance because it witnessed the consolidation of characteristic medieval ideas about both the nature of organised society and its structures of authority and power. Many of these concepts ... were to remain basic for the remainder of the Middle Ages'. Such an appraisal contrasts with that implicit in
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The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

The Social and Political Thought of Yen Fu

Behind Yen Fu's impassioned defense of Spencer's idea of progressive evolution and his criticism of various ideas of retrogression and cyclical change lay his ultimate political concerns. He was interested in the idea of progressive evolution primarily because he found its normative implications could be used to argue for change and reform in China. Yen Fu was surely fascinated by grandiose schemes of universal change and evolution which Spencer and other evolutionists described. He was apparently even more fascinated by its normative implications for human actions. Based on the idea of evolution, Yen Fu advanced a formula which reversed the doctrine of Tung Chung-shu: heaven changes, earth changes, and therefore the way of man {tao), which should follow heaven and earth, must also change.^* No single set of political institutions, social customs and legal systems can apply to all societies and all ages. Vaiious social and political systems, including those developed by the Chinese sages, were designed only to cope with certain concrete situations. When the situation changed, the systems had to be changed accordingly. The problem of China, Yen Fu wrote, lay in people not understanding the necessity of changing outdated systems.^’ If this mentality did not change, he warned, China would never be able to make progress.^ Chinese people had to understand. Yen Fu argued, that change was not only a necessity required by the universal law, but also the instrument for attaining progress. So long as China followed the universal law of evolution to change its traditional system. Yen stated, it would definitely move towards perfection. He often quoted a Han historian, Ssu-ma Ch'ien, to express his belief: 'When difficulties are faced, change is the way to solve them; change will lead to permanent
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Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

This public view o f meaning disposes of the idea that something could be meaningful for an individual, or even for a group, and yet incommunicable, a view characteristic of standpoint theory. If this is so, then the idea that we are incomprehensible to each other on account o f being situated in different contexts is untenable, as is the idea that my self-understandings are authoritative and immune to criticism because they rely upon essentially private meanings. This does not mean that in practice communication will necessarily be straightforward. First o f all, this view of language as public adds another dimension to the conceptual pluralism set out in the previous chapter, insofar as it suggests that different groups o f people may come to develop different practices, using words in ways that we may find unfamiliar, and incorporating them into language games other than those we know how to play. This may not only give rise to misunderstandings, but also to the more perplexing problem of essential contestability. Related to this is the problem o f ambiguity. In virtue of their public, practice-constituted character, utterances will carry meanings which a speaker did not, or could not have foreseen or controlled. If one thinks o f meaning as essentially private, as Skinner does, for example, one can dismiss this phenomenon as secondary: as a matter of mistakes about the true meaning o f an utterance by an inept audience, but the very fact that such mistakes can happen at all suggests that this is rather an essential feature of public language: a consequence o f the fact that meaning does not originate with individual speakers.63
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Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

By focusing on the primacy of securing order Williams rejects ‘the basic relation of morality to politics as being that represented either by the enactment model or by the structural model’ (IBWD, p. 8). Political moralism pays insufficient attention to the centrality of answering the first question in realistic terms and, more often than not, forgets the contextual and historically conditioned nature of judgements about what makes sense. Williams insists that ‘inasmuch as liberalism has foundations, it has foundations in its capacity to answer the “first question” in what is now seen, granted these answers to the BLD, as an acceptable way … but this is not the foundation of the liberal state, because it is a product of those same forces that lead to a situation in which the BLD is satisfied only by a liberal state’ (IBWD, p. 8). He puts this most schematically when he writes that LEG + Modernity = Liberalism. ‘Now and around here’ we only permit liberal solutions because ‘other supposed legitimations are now seen to be false and in particular ideological’ (IBWD, p. 8). This is markedly different from claiming that liberalism is the political expression of a set of timeless moral truths or that all previous legitimation stories were false. Williams accuses political moralism of forgetting this because it has an implausible understanding of ethics as a ‘mere moral normativity’, the result of the exercise of ahistorical reasoning. He holds that such views lack a theory of error that can explain ‘why what it takes to be the true moral solution to the questions of politics, liberalism, should for the first time (roughly) become evident in European
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Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

ternationalistic aspirations, but have failed to understand how difficult of hop© are these realisations. Similarly h© has refuted the position of those who would hold out optimis­ tic prospects for a perfect Justice in domestic society. And of course, he has done the same thing to the argument that man himself is perfectible. To Niebuhr it is significant that he has had to do this? that his battles have been with the children of light, the sentimentalists, rather than with the children of darkness, the moral cynics. Human history is the record of man's recurrent efforts to overstep the bounds which have been set upon his existence, and what happens in history is an ironic comment on this human pretension. For Niebuhr, the great events of history — the rise and fall of social institutions, the breakdown of old social classes and the emergence of new ones, the revolutions and wars, the great hopes with which social movements begin and the great disap­
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Virtue in Machiavelli’s Political Thought

Virtue in Machiavelli’s Political Thought

Machiavelli moves away from this absolute defi- nition and sets out to analyze it (Denkis, 2001). The prominence and originality of politics is the underlying assumption of his analysis of virtue and within this framework he seeks to further de- velop the possibilities of the new king—which are the same as the context of the modern politics. After around two decades of serious political ac- tivities as a king counselor and diplomat, Machia- velli came to the conclusion that he has to open a new horizon in understanding politics. His aim was not to discover the regularities of politics, but rather to discover the possibilities and opportuni- ties in front of the king. A disregard of law which is of natural stability and essence drew his atten- tion to virtue. Virtue, unlike law, principle or reg- ulation is based on politics, change and particular- ly preparedness to make a change on the part of the king. Virtue sets aside the standards and ISOs which are fixed and eternal, and seeks possibili- ties. This does not mean anarchy but refers to the independence of politics against external con- stants. And of course, it has limitations of its own (Chisholm, Ibid: 19).
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The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

contributors. Thomas C. Jones’ wide-ranging survey of French republicanism between 1848 and the fall of the Second Empire captures a worldview with imposing authority; it is neatly complemented by Anne- Sophie Chambost’s piece on French socialist ideas about direct democracy over the same period. Georgios Varouxakis critiques the idea that mid-century British commentators understood the revolutions through the prism of the idea of ‘nationality’, focusing mainly on prominent liberal commentators. Samuel Hayat’s chapter is unique within the book in focusing not on the educated, articulate middle and upper classes, but instead on socialist ideas among the ‘working classes’, which is to say among organised workers. Stedman Jones’ closing chapter interprets the place of ‘class’ language in mid-century Britain and France: it is a fascinating essay, but it operates at such a high level that the ‘language’ element sometimes gets lost. Finally here there is Jonathan Parry’s superb chapter on mid-century British Christian Socialist thought, which tracks the mechanisms by which a particular set of ideas, shaped partly in response to 1848, came to inform the politics of a group of British Liberal politicians between the 1850s and the 1870s.
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Victorian Political Thought on France and the French

Victorian Political Thought on France and the French

Victorian Political Thought on France and the French is a convincing and readable volume that will be invaluable for scholars and postgraduate students. The significant cogency of this monograph stems from two important theoretical premises. Firstly, Varouxakis does not slip into shallow, one-dimensional explanations: rather he succeeds in maintaining a subtle balancing act between a number of interesting antitheses throughout the entire narrative. Accordingly, he has an eye for relevant life experiences of the various writers, as well as for integrating crucial general factors, such as the British feeling of superiority (which was based upon the idea of moderate liberty above all else); and the intricate relationship between the Irish problem and the belief in the Celtic roots of French culture. In addition, he strikes a balance between short-term responses to actual political events, such as regime changes on the one hand, and the recording of more settled long-term visions regarding the national character of the French on the other.
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The Improvement Thought and Basic Principle of the New Generation of Migrant Workers' Political Participation

The Improvement Thought and Basic Principle of the New Generation of Migrant Workers' Political Participation

The government has paid more attention to the new generation of migrant workers and made investigations in advance. Before the formulation of relevant public policies, the interests of the new generation of migrant workers should be respected and the interests of the majority should be considered in the relevant public policies. We will increase policy preferences for the new generation of migrant workers and attach importance to their social influence [12]. In September 2016, the state council general office issued the drive a population of 100 million in settling scheme, this symbolized our country household register system reform enters into a new historical stage, the implementation by the "management" to "service" is a real shift, led by the concept of service comprehensive reform census register system, strengthening the justice value of the household registration system reform, the gradual reform and improve the new generation migrant workers settle problem and narrow enjoy basic rights and interests of the public service and the gap between the urban household registration groups, makes them effectively reduce trouble back at home, set his mind at to become urban residents. In addition to the social welfare reform, but also needs in terms of content, concept, legislation and legislation of id card, residence permit effective accommodation, overall coordination, adjust the perfect effective property rights, equal rights and land to completely solve the census register of new generation migrant workers and welfare dilemma, social legal support for their political participation. Needed to be aware of is that the more diverse with the new generation of migrant workers engaged in industry, should optimize the regional industrial structure, mode of production, adjust measures to local
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Qanun and the Modernisation of Political thought in Iran

Qanun and the Modernisation of Political thought in Iran

Iranians became aware of ‘modern law and order’ in European countries they have struggled to implement this system in Iran. This struggle is a continuous one in the social and political discourses of Iranian intellectuals. They see the problem as being one of ‘understanding’ and ‘enforcing’ the law, a problem which as yet remains unresolved. Because of the importance of law in society, the analysis of this concept requires some more attention. Malkum Khan had talked in various forms about law and its significance in society. To establish a clear idea about the concept of modern law he used different forms of interpretation and analysis. I have classified almost all of what Malkum Khan has said about ‘law’ in Qanun newspaper and have categorised it under various headings. All the selected sentences do not necessarily fit just the one subject to which they are allocated. Rather, many sentences can be seen and evaluated in different ways and thus put under different subject headings. My main aim here is to show how Malkum Khan used a different language and different interpretations in order to convince the people of the importance of the law for development and progress. Therefore, what I suggest to be a kind of interpretation is no more than a model for explaining what Malkum Khan tried to say about this important matter in society.
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Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

Of course, the main goal of delving into religious sources from the beginning was to gain more knowledge about Islamic issues, as the realm of Islamic knowledge expanded through confronting new problems and answers were given to each of those problems, and as interpretations, written works and viewpoints of Muslim scholars were added to them, scientific domains were established and every one of those domains became qualified to be considered a specialistic field, with the most important specialistic field being fiqh or Islamic jurisprudence. vi Fiqh found its rightful place more rapidly and became very influential due to a host of reasons; so that, in some instances it exploited other branches of knowledge including interpretation, traditions and Rijal (a branch of Islamic knowledge which sees into authenticity of those who have quoted hadith from the Prophet (PBUH) and imams (AS)). The main task of fiqh was to give answers to Muslims in confrontation with everyday problems and behaviors by dividing human acts and behaviors into such categories as obligatory, prohibited, recommended, reprehensible, and permissible. Therefore, there was no need for fiqh to get involved in complex scientific and abstract discussions and it was mainly based on quotes. The highest level of innovation and scientific complexity of fiqh was inferring answers to newly emerging problems, again on the basis of quotes from the past. Inferences about new problems should have been rooted in similar reasons in tradition and Quran and when there was no way to use indirect arguments or reference to similar cases when facing a new problem, finding an answer would have been very difficult. In general, such problems remained unanswered or when necessity called, a fatwa (as viewpoint of a mujtahid in accordance to expediencies of that time) was issued about the given problem. In this way, fiqh shunned scientific complexities from the beginning and had its roots in quotes with its goal being limited to inferring religious rules.vii Therefore, it was natural for this discipline to stay away from complex issues related to creation, mankind, society and hundreds of other specialistic political and social issues and when discussing such issues, fiqh did not go past inferring religious rules related to them and showing people what to do when facing them.
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Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought

Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought

This article has shown the dynamic relationship between the notions of nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought. Given that commonwealths are in a state of nature, they face a constant threat of wars of aggression, and ultimately have to rely on their own resources to defend themselves. Sovereigns, in particular, have to fear for their lives and liberty, as they are likely to be specifically targeted at war. Furthermore, Hobbes suggests that rulers can only enjoy relative security as long as their states are well ordered and powerful enough to deter foreign invasions.
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Constitution, Institutions and Models for Economic Growth in Nepal

Constitution, Institutions and Models for Economic Growth in Nepal

leaders of Nepal still seem to be confused in understanding the basic facts that the gains from the commitment and cooperation should be much larger than of nonco- operation to form coalition or in realising that the bene…ts of dynamic optimisation are far greater than zero sum game being played at the moment. It is important to rethink about the true and realistic social welfare function such as W (Y; S) where Y denotes the level of aggregate economic activities and its growth rates and S the stability of the system. Resources wasted in the process of unsuccessful coalition for- mation to deter the economy from achieving the more e¢cient and Pareto optimal solution. For instance, Nepal has not been able to utilise the reources pledged for the restoration and rehabilitation activties after the major earthquake. This was one of the reason why India reduced the aid to Nepal by 40 percent in it 2016 budget in March 2016. Reinvigorate the spirits of April 2006 Revolution. It is important to think why Nepal’s per capita income is one third of India and about 12 percent of China though it had similar per capita income with them till 1980. Political in- stability in the last two decades has been very costly to Nepal. These could have been decades of spectacular growth but turned into the decades of disaster. There cannot be bigger irony than this in the context of Nepal and cooperative strategies of each political party is the only way to sort out this problem. Credibility, respect and commitment only can make this happen. There is more need for this now than before.
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The Road to Nationhood: Amilcar Cabral's Political Thought

The Road to Nationhood: Amilcar Cabral's Political Thought

ties of economic, political, social and cultural life to which the people of Guinea are subjected reveal that the people are the target of one of the most violent and best organized exam[r]

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The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat

The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat

Wilkes by his actions and by his legal battles had confirmed important liberties? but his influence was more profound than this. Hebrought Parliament into great disrepute. He demonstrated by his actions its unrepresentative nature; its dependence on the Crown; its corruption and prejudice— facts known for decades? but never so amply demonstrated ; nor had the danger to personal liberty? so inherent in such a system? been so clearly proved. And the Wilkes agitation produced new political methods. The public meeting was born and stayed alive. The Supporters of the Bill of Rights Society was founded? the first political society which used modern methods of agitationpaid agents were sent round the country to make spee­ ches and the Press was deliberately and carefully exploited. Politi­ cal dissatisfaction was given strength? and coherence? by deliberate organization. Politics were ceasing to be a part of the social life of a gentleman. Organized public opinion had become a factor in politics? and its strength increased? as the government of George III was overwhelmed by problems too vast for its comprehension. ^
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A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

John Calvin, a Frenchman, who was born in 10 January 1509 in Noyon Diocese (near to Paris). His father was clerk in financial affair of local Diocese. Young Calvin, educated to Paris University and after end of his course in Latin Grammar, entered to College de Mon- tague as assistant to Maturin Cordia and after (McGrath, 2005: 99). His extensive study in field of civil law, make him familiar with thought that later when he has been known as crusader, used these thoughts. He studied Greek language in Orleans and in 1529, un- derstanding of Andre Alessati reputation (Italian Great Jurist) went to Burges. After his education in law course, returned to Noy- on for his father’s decease, but local council of Church excommunicated him and for this, he return to Paris to continue to his studies, but attract strongly to reformation thoughts of Looter, that newly has been paid attention by people. This is while authorities seriously hated him.
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The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The postmodern interpretation of the political is primarily shaped by the rejection of what Lyotard termed ‘metanarratives’ - of all attempts, that is, to legitimate social and political relationships by presenting them as natural, rationally grounded or inevitable. The reverse side of this deconstructive scepticism is a sense of the contingency of all identity and all social and political relationships which is shared by agonal theorists like Connolly, as already noted. In the case of postmodern thinkers, however, the impression has often arisen that they are ultimately inspired by a purely negative ideal of deconstruction that regards all social relations as merely masks for power and domination. It is to the credit of the American philosopher, Richard Rorty that he sought to combine sympathy for the anti-rationalist and anti-foundationalist aspects of postmodern philosophy with a more positive formulation of the political implications of postmodern philosophy by focusing on what he regards as the two most fundamental features of the political for postmodern theory.
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