Voluntary aided, foundation and academyschools report their appeals figures in the spring school census. After an investigation into the likely omission of appeals by some schools, the admissionsappeals section in the January 2016 census had additional checks added for schools who reported having received no appeals. The subsequent census return showed a notable increase in the proportion of schools reporting that they had received appeals. Analysis of local authority records and previous year’s appeal data has shown that at least some of this increase is due to schools reporting their appeals for the first time, rather than a general increase in appeals received. However, the exact breakdown (and how many appeals there would have been in previous years if the census checks had been in place) cannot be specified.
The APAD return for community and voluntary controlled schools separately records the number of appeals for primary, infant and secondary phases. Therefore in this instance appeals relating to all through schools should have been correctly designated by the LA making the return. Overall, however, the designation of any all through voluntary aided, foundation and academy school into primary, as described above, will mean that the number of appeals into the secondary years could be underestimated, and the number into primary years overestimated. There were 125 affected schools in this dataset. The admissions denominator used to create the rates for the number of appeals lodged and heard was calculated within the department from the pupil module of the spring 2016 school census. It calculated the number of new admissions (i.e. a pupil starting at a new school between 1 August 2015 to 1 October 2015 (autumn census day)) using the entry date of the pupil and the LA and Estab codes of the school the pupil is recorded as attending. Additional checks were made to identify if a school converting to an academy adjusted all pupils to a new entry date, and to identify if the child was in reality an existing pupil of that school.
4.6 Appeals for foundation, voluntary aided and academy all-through schools cannot be divided into those relating to primary national curriculum years and those relating to secondary years. As some of these schools have recorded infant appeals, all all-through schools have been recorded as primary in both the appeals and the admissions datasets. 4.7 The appeals data is derived from two sources. The local authorities provided appeal data for their community and voluntary controlled schools via the Survey of AdmissionsAppeals, returned to the department in January/February 2014. The foundation, voluntary aided and academyschools provided appeal data via the spring 2014 school census (admissionsappeals module).
2016/17 was only the third year that primary application and offer data has been produced by the Department for Education. The headline findings have shown a small increase in the proportion of applicants receiving an offer of a place at either their first or one of their first three preferences. This was alongside a 3% increase in applications since 2014/15. At secondary level there has been a decline in the proportion of applicants receiving a place at one of their top three preferences from 96.5% in 2013/14 to 95.0% in 2015/16 and 2016/17. Before then there had been a gradual increase in this rate from 94.0% in 2008/09. Applications for secondary places have increased by almost 10% since 2013/14. 20
in-difference means tests between areas with over 6% Charter market share and those with less found 4th and 8th grade reading and maths scores increased by a modest amount (she also found this in Arizona). However, Bettinger (2005) finds no robust evidence that test scores in neighbouring public schools increase as the number of Charters in Michigan increases. Unlike Hoxby, he can deal with the endogeneity of the location of Charter schools by instrumenting it using proximity to a state university (since these could set up Charter schools). However, his sample is of Charter schools is quite small (33 out of 1,800 schools in total) and this might explain his null result. In a much later study, Ni (2007) is able to look at the longer run effects of the policy in Michigan. He finds a negative impact on student achievement and school efficiency in traditional public schools. The effect is small or negligible in the short run, but becomes more substantial in the long run, which is consistent with the conception of choice triggering a downward spiral in the most heavily impacted public schools. Studies from Milwaukee, Florida, California and Ohio have estimated no effect, or a slightly negative effect, of Charter schools on traditional public schools. Sass (2006, Florida) and Buddin and Zimmer (2005, California) both use school fixed effect regres- sions to look at the association between changes in competition from Charter schools on changes in school performance. Sass finds no effect on reading and only a small effect on maths achievement. Buddin and Zimmer find no effect on either, with a sur- vey of headteachers reporting that they perceived little or no impact on their school. However, during the implementation of the policy, California was experiencing an in- creasing school population, which might explain why the new capacity introduced via Charter schools failed to impact on traditional public schools.
From an analysis focus group content, it is clear that the virtual world is considered a vast resource. This presents both an opportunity—information is more accessible and learning opportunities multiply—and risk—the lack of regulation, standards and structure is unsettling. Regarding our project, a productive way to move forward is to think about the collaborative ethos implicit within the DIY movement. By moving away from a discourse that defines online materials as resources, towards thinking about how to participate in, and benefit from, collaborative learning environments, we hope to foster a more sustainable and far-reaching integration of the DIYLab project into schools.
secondaryschools. However, the participants and purposes of their researches were different. Wang was a teacher of Mandarin Chinese in the MFL department and conducted his research at a girl’s school in the centre of London and a mixed secondary school. His study explored secondary pupils’ perceptions as to why they chose Mandarin, whilst also examining the main obstacle to learning and learners’ suggestions to their teachers. The important finding in Wang’s study was Mandarin Chinese teachers played a very important role in Mandarin Chinese teaching and learning. Teachers’ attitudes towards teaching and their teaching styles affected pupils’ enthusiasm in learning Chinese. Higgins and Sheldon collected data from 54 current Year 3 pupils enrolled in either Chinese or in French in Bishop Heber High school. Their research purposes were to “investigate the sensation seeking tendencies and academic achievement responsibility of children studying French or Chinese in an attempt to explain how children choose school subjects” (Higgins and Sheldon 2001, p.124). The findings found the students who chose Chinese had higher scores than those who chose French. Then they defined that “occupational aspiration and expectation and a desire to gain friendship and knowledge” mentioned by Kruidenier &Clément (1986, cited in Higgins and Sheldon 2001) were not the only elements to motivate pupils to choose a language, their personality was also influential when they were making a choice. Higgins & Sheldon also mentioned proper teaching methods also affected pupils’ choices.
Some Voluntary Aided and Foundation school admission authorities require parents to submit information in addition to that required on the common application form. The frequency and nature of the supplementary information requested by schools is pertinent to the fairness of admissions because such information can reveal the social or academic background of a child or because judgements about such information are subjective. Pennell, West and Hind (2005) in their survey of London secondaryschools concluded that ‘the supplementary forms used by some schools provide opportunities to select more ‘desirable’ pupils’. Admissions officers that they interviewed also reported concerns about the use of these forms for that reason. Pennell et al’s concerns were that in some cases parents were asked to provide information that did not seem to be related to the school’s admissions criteria (e.g., whether parents were living in bed and breakfast accommodation or parents’ occupations). This provided opportunities for discriminating between applicants on social grounds. They were also concerned that the length of some forms and the requirement, in some cases, that parents and children write extensively about their reasons for wanting a place at the school, could systematically deter some parents/carers (e.g. those with few or no educational qualifications) from applying and such information could only be judged subjectively. It is important to keep in mind that a request for this kind of information only offers the opportunity for discrimination by intention or by default. Evidence that such information is actually implicated in causing differences in the social background of the intakes would by its nature be difficult to gain. But it is the case that these schools have higher than average attainment and are more socially advantaged.
Please make sure that you have completed Sections 1-9 before you submit this application to: Admissions , The Ridings’ Federation Yate International Academy, Sundridge Park, Yate, Bristol BS37 4DX Please submit Electronic applications to firstname.lastname@example.org and mark for the attention of ‘Admissions’.
The historical and political context is fundamental to any discussion of school admissions in England. The 1944 Education Act aimed to increase educational opportunity and allowed for the implementation of a ‘tripartite’ system of secondary education, with grammar schools for the most academically able, technical schools and secondary modern schools. 1 Admission was based, in the main, on the results of the ‘eleven-plus’, a test of ability taken in the final year of primary school. Major concerns relating to equality of opportunity were, however, raised (Chitty, 2004), a key one being that the main beneficiaries of grammar schools were the middle classes (Floud et al., 1956; Simon, 1991). Following the election of the Labour government in 1964, local education authorities were requested in 1965 to submit plans for the introduction of comprehensive education. Although this request was withdrawn following the election of a Conservative government in 1970 (Simon, 1991), proposals for comprehensive reorganisation continued to be submitted and by the early 1980s comprehensive education was almost universal (Gordon et al., 1991), although grammar schools were retained by some local authorities. 2
An analysis by the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) showed that England is a country suffering from high exclusion rates (économiques, 2017). Media reports have shown how the issue of school exclusions is deteriorating and becoming more complex. For example, TES claimed recently that “permanent exclusions have skyrocketed by as much as 300% in a year” (Bloom, 2017). According to the same source, the rapid increase in school permanent exclusion rates where children are permanently expelled from school was due to financial and academic pressures on schools. Another report, this time in the Guardian newspaper and titled, ‘She deserves an education: outcry as academy excludes 41% of pupils’ (Perraudin & McIntyre, 2018) raised concerns about the increase in fixed-term exclusions within schools in England where children are suspended from school for a period of time. The Guardian newspaper also reported an article under the title ‘Wild west system of school exclusions is failing pupils, say MPs’ (Weale, 2018). In sum, from some quarters school exclusions were actually viewed as worsening the situation instead of contributing to a solution to behavioural problems, as the policy was intended to promote. School exclusions seemed to be divesting excluded pupils from their right to an education. According to Timpson’s review recently published by the DfE, "Exclusion from school should never mean exclusion from education”. (DfE, 2019b, p. 6). The author called for a more consistent approach that ensures a good education for all children despite their needs and type of schools they attend.
Access to education is a fundamental right of both women and men. The right to free and compulsory primary education, without discrimination has been reaffirmed in all major international human rights conventions. Though India is the second largest country in the world so far as population is concerned, it is a backward country with regard to educational standards of its people. India is reputed to have a progressive education policy with regard to the question of gender. The National Policy on Education, 1986 pays specific emphasis on women‟s education. Gender inequality in education in the Indian context has been highlighted by the reports of several committees and studies. Because of the prevailing patriarchal notions, several women are deprived of the right to education, information, knowledge, skills and thinking associated with formal education.
The objective of this course is to enable clients to smoothly transition their existing or newly implemented ISO 9001:2008 Quality Management System to the 2015 version. It also assist clients understand the timelimes of certification against 2008 to 2015 and enables learners to effectively implement the change management process.
The first three capture actual differences between schools, by which we mean differences that are either part of the formal constitution of a school, or are (at least in theory) capable of being objectively evidenced. They are attributes of the school. The reputation of a school can not be so evidenced but is an extremely significant contribution to a parent’s decision. Previous studies (Gewirtz et al 1995; Ball and Vincent 1998; Which 2005) found that when parents are asked what it is about schools that most informs their choices the different reputations of schools are highly significant. The parent survey for this study confirmed the importance of reputation for parents with it being the most frequently cited reason for wanting their preferred school. However, we do not know what parents mean by reputation 66 . For each parent it is likely to be an amalgam of many things and it is clearly affected by the other kinds of diversity while being different from them. Each school will present a different mix of structural, educational, compositional and reputational diversity. Gaining adequate information about these kinds of diversity is important for parents but some kinds of diversity may more easily be discerned by parents than other kinds. The varieties of structural diversity are evident, if parents are interested in looking for them, some aspects of educational diversity such as exam performance can be got from the league tables and aspects of compositional diversity such as single sex or religious affiliation are to be found in school admission criteria. However, it is not so easy objectively to know the average social status of the intake of a school but, judgements are never the less made on the basis of characteristics such as area of residence and the look and behaviour of the children attending. It is far from straightforward to judge the quality of teaching and management and their effect on the educational attainment of the children even with OFSTED reports and the measures of value added. It is next to impossible, even with intimate experience over a period of time, to know how all the teachers teach, or what the day to day experience of the children is likely to be. Further, even the most informed observer could not predict, even broadly, what an individual child’s experience is going to be in a particular school. There are simply too many unknowns and variables at play including people’s idiosyncratic responses and the myriad of personal/professional relationships. In the following sections we assess the level of each kind of diversity.
Permanent exclusions rose marginally, going from 5,080 in 2010/11 to 5,170 in 2011/12. The rate of permanent exclusion remained at 0.07 per cent of the school population, or in other words is equivalent to 7 pupils in every 10,000. This follows a steady decline in the permanent exclusion numbers and rate over recent years. Permanent exclusions in primaryschools remain low but this is where most of the rise is seen, with numbers going from 610 to 690, a rise of 13.9 per cent. (Table 1) Chart 1: The number and rate of permanent exclusions for all schools from 1997/98 to 2011/12
8 The data is subject to a rigorous QA process, by both data suppliers and Ofsted. Validation rules within the template, and the enclosed guidance, assist data suppliers with checking the data prior to submission; these are developed with reference to the high quality data that Ofsted, as regulators of social care provision, holds on all registered providers. Ofsted also engages with data suppliers in conversation via email and telephone to clarify any queries or errors in the data and resolve these to the most accurate data the agency can supply; for some agencies with a larger number of issues, who are new to completing the return, and particularly with the introduction of the new style form, these conversations can be detailed and lengthy. The validation checks built into the template provide support to agencies around resolving errors. In the 2015-16 form, a new “validation engine” was introduced, which performs checks and produces as error report on the data under three categories:
Overall, 72% of schools inspected between 1 October 2014 and 31 December 2014 were judged good or outstanding. This is nine percentage points higher than the previous full academic year, when 63% were good or outstanding. This higher grade profile is likely to be partly due to the mix of schools inspected in the period being quite different from last year (please see the next section).
On the surface, the fostering picture seems little changed from the previous year, but there is perceptible movement beneath. Overall there were very slightly fewer fostering households as at 31 March 2016 compared to the previous year. The exception to this was family and friends households, which increased leading to an increase in the number of approved places in the LA sector. The provision of short breaks-only households continued to fall. The majority of short-term, short breaks- only, and long-term/permanent placements were offered by LAs while IFAs offered most emergency, parent and child, and multi-dimensional treatment placements. 1
Empirical evidence suggests that disabled children and young people in England perform consistently worse academically than non-disabled peers, with disability gaps already formed during primary school (Parsons and Platt 2017; Department for Children, School, and Families 2010; Keslair, Maurin, and McNally 2012). Low attainment is common among students with different types of disabilities, including those whose special educational needs require specialist support beyond that available in mainstream teaching provision in English schools (Blatchford et al. 2011; Crawford and Vignoles 2010). However, lower attainment is only partly related to lower cognitive ability (Parsons and Platt 2017). A recent report showed that children with special educational needs in England are between 7 and 15 times less likely than their peers to reach key national examinations ‘benchmarks’ from early years through to age 16 (Department for Children, School, and Families 2010). Several factors may be driving these patterns, including repeated absences due to poor health and doctor appointments, depressive symptoms associated with certain long-standing conditions, and socio-economic disadvantage that is often associated with disability (Blackburn, Spencer, and Read 2010; Champaloux and Young 2015; Crump et al. 2013). Considering this weight of evidence, we expect that primary effects constitute the main pathway through which disability differentials in educational attainment develop. We anticipate that disabled young people will have a lower likelihood of attaining Level 2 qualifications compared to non-disabled peers, and that this educational performance will largely be driven by prior attainment differences. Prior attainment, it should be noted, captures the cumulative influence of several factors that have influenced educational progress up to that point, including disabling processes and barriers.