Top PDF Can farmers diversify from growing tobacco in Zimbabwe?

Can farmers diversify from growing tobacco in Zimbabwe?

Can farmers diversify from growing tobacco in Zimbabwe?

income. This dependence and success of the crop has encouraged the continued and increased growth of tobacco. However it may be questioned whether the increase in yield and area allocated to tobacco implies that the rural poor are replacing the growth of food crops for the growth of tobacco and if they are becoming less diversified in their livelihood strategies by placing greater importance to tobacco. According to Foster (1975, p152) on some small farms, response to new commercial opportunities may be prevented because existing resources are fully employed. The ability and disposition of farmers to respond to new opportunities should not, however, be underestimated as most farmers have the resource capacity to respond to opportunities which are sufficiently attractive in their terms (ibid). Foster also adds that the government has almost always been involved, usually as the dominant agent, in creating the new environment which motivated farmers to change (ibid). Missing markets can also discourage diversification. For example, missing credit markets can impede diversification into activities or assets characterized by substantial barriers to entry (Barrett et al, 2001, p10). Smallholders typically cannot afford to purchase a truck and enter the long-haul transport niche of the food marketing channel, no matter how profitable it might be (Barrett, 1997).
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Assessing impacts of declines in the world price of tobacco on China, Malawi, Turkey, and Zimbabwe

Assessing impacts of declines in the world price of tobacco on China, Malawi, Turkey, and Zimbabwe

percentage points in 8 consecutive steps to 60% of its initial value. In Malawi, tobacco is the largest cash crop that can steadily generate cash income to farmers. Moreover, as an export product, the market demand is relatively stable, and hence, the risk in growing tobacco is relatively small, compared to a crop highly dependent on the domestic market, such as maize or beans. For this reason, the cash profit, i.e., tobacco revenue minus cash expenditure such as the costs of fertilizers and payments to the bank interests, instead of total profit, is often the major concern for many farmers in making their production decisions. Thus, farmers may not count their labor costs (which are dominated by family labor) and returns to land (for farmers who own the land) when they grow tobacco. Hence, if the revenue from selling the products is more than the cash expenditure,
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Agricultural-based commodity chains and development: the case of the tobacco sector in Zimbabwe

Agricultural-based commodity chains and development: the case of the tobacco sector in Zimbabwe

Tobacco production in Zimbabwe is not a recent phenomenon. Prior to the arrival o f the colonialists the indigenous people grew a type o f tobacco known as Nyoka tobacco (Zimbabwe Tobacco Association, 2011). However, the rest o f the history o f tobacco in Zimbabwe is one o f settler colonisation. Colonial administrations played a significant role in the development of the tobacco industry by making large investments in tobacco research and the search for export markets (Mtisi, Vaughan and Woelk, 2001: 181). The early colonisation o f what was later to become Rhodesia, commenced when the British South Africa Company (BSAC), under orders from Britain, occupied Mashonaland in 1890. Settlers were promised gold prospects, but no gold was found. In order to compensate for this the BSAC gave the settlers large tracts o f land for farming (Mtisi et al., 2001: 181). These tracts o f land had soil suitable for growing tobacco and the first recorded successfully grown flue-cured tobacco was in 1894 in Mutare. In 1897 a Jesuit priest, Father Richartz, exhibited the first commercially grown tobacco at the first Agricultural Show in Harare (ZTA, 2011). In 1898 the Agricultural Department imported 15 different varieties o f tobacco seed from the US, later finding that Virginia flue-cured tobacco grew the best in Zimbabwean soils. This initiated the commercial tobacco industry in Zimbabwe.
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Looking outside the box : access and benefit sharing for family farmers in Zimbabwe

Looking outside the box : access and benefit sharing for family farmers in Zimbabwe

of ABS the other way around. What could successful ABS imply for smallholder family farmers in, for example, Zimbabwe? One of the key characteristics of family farmers is their direct involvement in various seed systems. Gen- erally, smallholder farmers grow multiple crops sourced from different providers. For example, a farmer may receive seed as a contract grower for a cash crop such as tobacco, buy maize seed from a local seed trader, barter millet seed with a neighbouring farmer, buy tomato seed directly from a multinational seed company, and use farm saved planting materials for growing cassava. By doing so, family farmers aim to satisfy their various needs, such as income generation, food security, diet and the spreading of risks. Taking the importance of these various seed systems into account, it is clear that access to seed diversity, and more specifically, to quality seeds of their preferred varieties, is absolutely crucial for family farmers. Fol- lowing this line of reasoning, we can identify alterna- tive ABS mechanisms that are of particular interest to family farmers – i.e. mechanisms that promote the availability and accessibility of quality seeds for both traditional and modern varieties.
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Effect of Training on Yield and Quality of Tobacco (Nicotiana Tabaccum): A Comparative Study of Trained and Untrained Farmers in Mazowe District, Zimbabwe

Effect of Training on Yield and Quality of Tobacco (Nicotiana Tabaccum): A Comparative Study of Trained and Untrained Farmers in Mazowe District, Zimbabwe

tobacco is a high skill requiring crop therefore lack of the necessary production skills and attention to every detail are most probably one of the major causes of the yield gaps among smallholder farmers (Manyumwa et al, 2013; Magadlela, 1997). Therefore training is necessary as evidenced by greater returns for trained tobacco farmers than untrained farmers though statistically insignificant (Mutandwa et al, 2008; Masvongo et al, 2013). Training is a learning process that involves the acquisition of knowledge, sharpening of skills, concepts, rules or changing of attitudes and behaviours to enhance the performance of work by an individual (Anthony, 1999; Singh, (2012; Ameeq and Hanif, 2013). In the context of this study, a trained farmer is one who has undergone formal training in tobacco production, through a tobacco training institute, agricultural college, agricultural extension services and non Governmental Organisation or tobacco contract growing companies (Mutandwa et al, 2008).The same authors further described an un-trained farmer as one who has not undergone any form of training (formal or informal) in tobacco but grows the crop through experimentation or watching others. Tobacco production comprises some important training in seedling production, leaf harvesting, leaf conditioning, leaf grading and tobacco grouping for the market (NC Cooperate Extension, 2013; Reed et al, 2012).
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How Will Tobacco Farmers Respond to the Quota Buyout? Findings from a Survey of North Carolina Tobacco Farmers

How Will Tobacco Farmers Respond to the Quota Buyout? Findings from a Survey of North Carolina Tobacco Farmers

We examine the impact of farm, household, and market characteristics on tobacco farmers’ intentions following the buyout based on a series of surveys of a panel of tobacco farmers. We combine these longitudinal survey data with market data collected from secondary sources to examine the influence of farmer preferences, resource endowments, market incentives, risk, and biophysical factors on tobacco farmers’ intentions to continue growing tobacco or change their tobacco acreage, diversify into non-tobacco products, and other decisions. We estimate logit regression models of whether the respondents would advise their children to go into tobacco farming (ADVISE) and farmer stated expectations that they will leave tobacco farming for a reason other than retirement (EXIT); a generalized ordered logit model of farmers’ intentions to either increase tobacco acreage, keep acreage the same, decrease tobacco acreage, or exit tobacco production altogether if the federal program were ended; 2 and ordered logit
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Can we nudge farmers into saving water? Evidence from a randomised experiment

Can we nudge farmers into saving water? Evidence from a randomised experiment

To ful fil the objectives of the EU Water Framework Directive, which estab- lished the principles of a common water policy in Europe in 2000, the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD) supports two main types of measures at the European level: investment subsidies for water- ef ficient technologies and agri-environmental schemes where farmers commit to reduce their use of water by substituting leguminous crops for more water- intensive crops in exchange for a predetermined annual payment. 3 In this article, we consider a new policy instrument called a nudge, which is based on the find- ings of behavioural sciences and could complement existing CAP measures and contribute to addressing the problem of water resources in Europe. Nudges use subtle modi fications of decision contexts to trigger pro-environmental beha- viours without altering monetary incentives or the option set itself. A wide var- iety of nudges have been identified in the literature, including those that leverage individuals’ desires to maintain an attractive self-image and those that exploit individuals ’ inclinations to imitate the behaviour of their peers ( Schubert, 2017 ). This approach is increasingly being adopted in various public policy contexts, like energy conservation or waste reduction. However, it has received little attention with respect to its likely impact on agricultural practices. In this article, we test whether social comparison nudges – reports comparing individual consumption to the consumption of similar neighbours – can increase water-saving behaviour among farmers.
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Analysing the contribution of ICTS in addressing climate change amongst communal farmers from two districts of Zimbabwe

Analysing the contribution of ICTS in addressing climate change amongst communal farmers from two districts of Zimbabwe

I had the privilege of working under the supervision and mentorship of Professor Godwell Nhamo and Professor Mammo Muchie. I am grateful for their supervision, support, encouragement, inspiration, enthusiasm and patience. Thanks to Professor Godwell Nhamo for the effort, detailed comments and the extra mile he went to overcome the challenges that had arisen. Thanks to Professor Mammo Muchie for the comments, encouragement and the inspiration to be an intellectual who strives to contribute to Africa’s development. The support from the College of Agriculture and Environmental Science, University of South Africa (UNISA) is greatly acknowledged. Thanks to Dr Vuyo Mjimba for the detailed and insightful comments. I also thank Mr Medicine Magocha for editing the thesis. All their efforts raised the standard, which ultimately resulted in a better product. The financial support from UNISA’s Financial Aid Bureau (FAB) and the Exxaro Chair in Business & Climate Change (Prof Godwell Nhamo) is acknowledged. This also goes to the National Research Foundation and the SARChI Chair on Innovation (Professor Mammo Muchie). In addition, the financial support from the African Technology Policy Studies Network (ATPS) (and its donors including the Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken (DGIS) the Netherlands) to undertake the fieldwork is highly appreciated. The support received from the Institute for Economic Research on Innovation (IERI) of Tshwane University of Technology is greatly appreciated - most importantly for introducing me to the science, technology and innovation systems perspective. At IERI, thanks to Elsa Lourens, Dr Rasigan Maharaj and the SARChI doctoral and post-doctoral fellows.
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Growing Food, Growing Farmers: How First-Generation Farmers In Blue Ridge Appalachia Learn How To Farm And Find Access To Farm Land

Growing Food, Growing Farmers: How First-Generation Farmers In Blue Ridge Appalachia Learn How To Farm And Find Access To Farm Land

wealthy,  or  extremely  lucky  (or  hooked  into  your  local  Farmlink  chapter!),  securing  land  for   your  new  farm  is  difficult  and  will  only  become  more  so  as  more  and  more  new  farmers  enter   the  search  for  land,”  writes  agricultural-­‐‑activist  Antonio  Roman-­‐‑Alcala,  who  argues  for  land   reform  where  land  is  repurposed  for  the  agrarian-­‐‑collective  good  (Roman-­‐‑Alcala  2013,  125).     Yet  now,  Philip  Ackermen-­‐‑Leist  writes,  a  change  is  occurring,  a  movement  is  developing:   “It’s  happening  all  across  the  country  already  in  a  way  that  demonstrates  like  no  other  recent   social  phenomena  the  extraordinary  diversity  that  defines  the  United  States”  (Ackermen-­‐‑Leist   2013,  292).  The  new  farmers  that  compose  this  movement  appear  different  from  the  older   farmers  that  they  replace.  Perhaps,  this  is  linked  to  the  somewhat  different  challenges  that  that   these  new  farmers  face  compared  with  earlier  generations,  which  allows  them  to  express   different  attitudes  and  work  within  a  different  structure  than  traditional  farmers.  These  new   attitudes  include  radical  forms  of  farming,  such  as  urban  agriculture  (Hamilton  2011,  130),  and   distinct  forms  of  educating  farmers,  such  as  internships  and  apprenticeships  (Hamilton  2011,   131).  In  the  former  instance,  emerging  farmers  are  often  cast  as  not  from  a  farming  background,   though  individuals  from  a  farming  background  may  often  hold  similar  characteristics  and   challenges  as  they  transition  into  a  different  form  of  agricultural  production.  Neil  Hamilton  also   cites  the  ethnic  and  spatial  diversity  of  the  emerging  farmer  movement  in  the  United  States.   And  in  “Approaching  Beginning  Farmers  as  a  New  Stakeholder  for  Extension,”  Meyer  et  al.   found  that  participants  in  Kentucky’s  KyFarmStart  program  also  held  diverse  backgrounds  in   regards  to  age  as  well  as  income  (Meyer  et  al.  2011,  29).  Participants  in  Colorado  State  
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DIVERSIFY WITH CORPORATE INCOME

DIVERSIFY WITH CORPORATE INCOME

on a Morningstar Risk-Adjusted Return measure that accounts for variation in a fund’s monthly performance (including the effects of sales charges and loads), placing more emphasis on downward variations and rewarding consistent performance. The top 10% of funds in each category receive 5 stars, the next 22.5% receive 4 stars, the next 35% receive 3 stars, the next 22.5% receive 2 stars, and the bottom 10% receive 1 star. (Each share class is counted as a fraction of one fund within this scale and rated separately, which may cause slight variations in the distribution percentages.) The Overall Morningstar Rating for a fund is derived from a weighted average of the performance figures associated with its three-, five- and ten-year (if applicable) Morningstar Rating metrics. © 2015 Morningstar, Inc. All Rights Reserved. The information contained herein: (1) is proprietary to Morningstar; (2) may not be copied or distributed; and (3) is not warranted to be accurate, complete, or timely. Neither Morningstar nor its content providers are responsible for any damages or losses arising from any use of this information. Third-party trademarks and service marks are the property of their respective owners. For Morningstar Ratings for other share classes, visit www.PacificFunds.com. The Fund’s Class A (Load Waived) and Class A (Load) also received a 3-year Morningstar Rating as of 12/31/15: 4 and 3 stars (respectively) among 253 funds. *The load-waived rating should only be considered by investors who are not subject to a sales load.
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DIVTOB: Diversification for Tobacco Growing Regions in the Southern European Union

DIVTOB: Diversification for Tobacco Growing Regions in the Southern European Union

z Socio-economics: Diversification is in most of the Tobacco Growing Regions a very delicate undertaking as mainly small family farms are affected. A lot of interviews done during the DIVTOB project showed that the Tobacco farmers are not really prepared for the Tobacco reform.

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The adoption of a portfolio of sustainable agricultural practices by smallholder farmers in Zimbabwe

The adoption of a portfolio of sustainable agricultural practices by smallholder farmers in Zimbabwe

In addition, we included a number of variables capturing access to information and social networks like public extension, mobile phone, farmer group, radio, television ownership, which are expected to have positive effects on farmers' ability to weigh the economic returns of each technology and thus on the probability of adoption (Wainaina, Tongruksawattana & Qaim 2014; Kassie et al. 2015). To capture agro-ecological variation across households, we include a dummy variable that equals one if the household is located in natural region III and zero in natural region IV. This classification is based on rainfall where natural region III receives higher rainfall than region IV (Ndlovu et al. 2014). We expect that households located in higher-rainfall areas (natural region III) may be less likely to adopt soil and water conservation technologies compared to households in drier natural region IV. Farmers residing in natural region III are more likely to adopt IPM because of higher incidence of pests and diseases. Cotton growers are more likely to adopt IPM because this technology was mainly promoted among cotton growers in the country. To control for this, we included a dummy variable capturing the growing of cotton in our model.
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Vol 1 No 1 (2010): Growing New Farmers

Vol 1 No 1 (2010): Growing New Farmers

considerations for such judgments that include (1) whether the results provide a “meaningful picture” for interpreting or acting in the setting; (2) an assessment of how the researcher(s) developed the conclusions (which we detailed above); and (3) making corrections and adjustments for applying the “theory” to particular uses or situations. Regarding the last consideration, this is a study of start-up farmers in the social and ecological contexts of the Northeastern U.S. At the same time, contextual attributes, such as values and belief systems, trends in concentration in agricul- ture and the rest of the food system, prevalence of “cheap” energy, urban dominance, etc., found in the region also tend to be present in other areas of the country. In this light, the findings of this research are offered as a source of conceptual understanding for development practitioners and beginning farmers to consider and evaluate. While arguably those interviewed were relatively typical of the highly varied respondents to the survey in the first phase of the study, they are not necessarily typical of all farm start-ups. In addition, though we lack data on the population of farm start-ups, two categories of beginning farmers seem likely to be underrepresented in our study: those taking over ongoing family farms, and those less apt to seek assistance or information from service providers and information sources like the farm media, libraries, the internet, and farm-related meetings. We surmise that start-up farmers in these two categories were underrepresented because they may be less likely both to attend meetings aimed at prospective and beginning farmers and to actively seek information in the venues we used to contact them. Moreover, we recognize that some people who attempt farm start-ups may be poorly suited to farming or may be poorly prepared for a start-up and, therefore, these findings may not apply well to such cases.
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From Uneven Ground: The Undermining of the Alliance Between Commercial Farmers and the State in Zimbabwe 1990 – 1996

From Uneven Ground: The Undermining of the Alliance Between Commercial Farmers and the State in Zimbabwe 1990 – 1996

Roth (1994: 144) illustrated similar concentrations of ownership in 1988. He showed that more than half of all white farmers occupied less than one million hectares countrywide, or less than ten percent of all privately-owned land (Selby 2006: Appendix III). One-third of all white farmers (1400 by number) resided on only 500 000 hectares in Mashonaland. The productivity and utilisation debates regarding farm size remain unclear, but in my survey area productivity was generally higher on smaller farms (Selby 2006: Appendix I). Larger or multiple-farm structures tended to concentrate enterprises in core areas, with less intensive outlying areas. Larger farms were generally situated on more broken country. 139 The implications of these statistics are significant. Highly concentrated ownership was acknowledged by Rukuni (1994) and Moyo (2000a) but never incorporated effectively into land policy through, for example, graded land taxes. Furthermore, within the national land targets to transfer 5 million hectares, the smallest 2410 commercial farms (occupying less than 1 million hectares) were hardly worth considering, even in the better regions. Most interesting is that the pattern of vast landholdings by a few individuals and companies still survived from the 1890s, remarkably unchallenged.
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Growing new farmers. A northeast service providers consortium

Growing new farmers. A northeast service providers consortium

Program representatives met with people from the Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture who expressed support. To develop a program that would be officially registered and meet state and national standards, we met with both the Pennsylvania and U. S. Departments of Labor and Industry. Early efforts to get official status were difficult. But in 1999 Pennsylvania’s governor started an initiative on youth apprentices and because of this, we succeeded in developing a youth program for production agriculture. To ensure that our educational program meshed with vocational schools’ curricula, we met periodically with the state’s Department of Education.
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Investing basics. Things you need to know. Know thyself. Know thyself Go long Diversify, diversify, diversify

Investing basics. Things you need to know. Know thyself. Know thyself Go long Diversify, diversify, diversify

 15 (diverse) stocks can eliminate unsystematic risk  5 (diverse) stocks can cut it in half Krispy Kreme, Microsoft, GM, Target, Exxon- Mobil, PPL and GlaxoSmithKline would be a pretty well-diversified stock portfolio Or you can just buy a mutual fund

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The growing burden of noncommunicable disease among persons living with HIV in Zimbabwe.

The growing burden of noncommunicable disease among persons living with HIV in Zimbabwe.

Without changes in underlying risk factors, the burden of key NCDs in Zimbabwe is set to increase steeply in the coming 20 years, particularly in PLHIV. This will have major implications for health care provisions, requiring substantial planning for additional services.The increase in NCD burden will be driven by population growth, and amongst PLHIV by the rapidly ageing populationof PLHIV (due to reductions in incidence and the success of ART scale-up) and,to a lesser extent, the cumulative exposure to HIV and ART. Our results suggest that by 2035 adult PLHIV will be nearly twice as likely to suffer from at least one key NCD and three times more likely to suffer from multiple key NCDscompared to HIV-negative persons, and that 15·2% of all key NCDs will be diagnosed in PLHIV, although they will contribute only 5·0% of the total Zimbabwean population.
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Coping with drought: Reflection of communal cattle farmers in Umzingwane district in Zimbabwe

Coping with drought: Reflection of communal cattle farmers in Umzingwane district in Zimbabwe

Most communal farmers denied ever accessing credit lines to cushion livestock against drought. Despite the publicity and euphoria on Agri-bank loans targeting commercial and communal farmers, an insignificant number have benefitted as most communal livestock is not bankable because of the poor management practices, high incidences of disease, high mortality rates and failure to insure them. The limited access to credit facilities was induced by poor collateral which makes communal farming not attractive to banking institutions and other financiers. The land-holding system in communal areas places farmers at a disadvantage with no title to it, making it extremely difficult to attract credit lines from financial institutions. The thinking by communal farmers that cattle can be used as collateral does not hold given the vulnerability of the asset to drought and health shocks. Even successful farmers world over do require capital injection to make improvements on machinery to enhance production efficiency. Financial capital has become necessary even to communal farmers if they are to effectively cope with drought shocks. Private moneylenders deepen access to credit challenges by charging exorbitant costs to loans (Mago 2013). The impediment to accessing capital by communal farmers is compounded by lack of clearly laid down business plans and records to support their endeavour to run a commercial entity and attract financial capital. While local banks are encouraged to advance loans to communal farmers and devise means to use livestock as collateral, such a move has not been popular because of a plethora of reasons, which include poor disease control.
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The Role of Agricultural Marketing on Empowering Rural Farmers In Masvingo Province, Zimbabwe

The Role of Agricultural Marketing on Empowering Rural Farmers In Masvingo Province, Zimbabwe

Conclusions and Recommendations Farmers in the rural areas are not adopting the concept of agricultural marketing as witnessed from the pre and post - harvest activities which are not aligned with demands, needs and preferences of the customers. It can also be concluded that the current marketing system for crops grown in Masvingo province is flawed as rural farmers are relying on the traditional selling approach in which production, handling and distribution of produce are not dictated by the customers. Furthermore, researchers can also conclude that the presence of many intermediaries is causing farmers to sell agricultural produce at throw – away prices. Absence of co-operative arrangements make farmers unable to meet the minimum quantity of produce required for each individual farmer to sell to the Grain marketing board. Farmers in the rural areas lack the marketing concept as they are not targeting specific markets such as hospitals, churches, boarding schools, supermarkets thus they are not producing for these markets but only sell to some of these markets when they have surplus. In this paper researchers recommend universities and colleges in Zimbabwe to play a corporate social responsibility role of teaching rural farmers basic marketing skills so that farmers will be able to identify profitable markets for their produce. Extension officers to intensify farmer training efforts in post - harvest knowledge to add value to the produce which will fetch high prices for the farmers and this will improve their livelihoods. There is need for government intervention to improve the state of roads in rural areas, establish an agricultural bank specifically targeting the needs of the rural farmers so that the farmer can increase production through mechanized farming system. In this paper researchers also recommend farmers to form voluntary co
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A survey of communication media preferred by smallholder farmers in the Gweru District of Zimbabwe

A survey of communication media preferred by smallholder farmers in the Gweru District of Zimbabwe

The objectives of the study were 1) to determine media preferences for agricultural communication, of smallholder farmers resettled under the FTLRP in the Gweru district and 2) to find out whether or not the demographic variables of the farmers are associated with their com- munication media preferences. The demographic details of farmers could in fluence their communication preferences in a significant way, and as such, gender, age-group and education level were found to be the most relevant in a heterogeneous setting. There were one hundred and fifty (49.8%) male respondents and one hundred and forty-eight female respondents (49.2%). Three (1%) of the respondents did not indicate their gender. The gender balance was almost equal, thereby attaining an equal voice according to gender. The majority of the re- spondents (62.8%) were aged 42 years and older. Respondents in the 36–41 years' age-group constituted 16.4% while about 13% were those in the 30 –35 years' age group. Approximately 7% of the respondents were below 30 years of age. Concerning education, the majority (61%) of the respondents indicated that they had attained secondary level education. Seventy-one (24%) respondents had undergone tertiary education and forty-three (14%) had attained primary level education. The remaining four (1%) respondents indicated no level of education. The 24% who attained tertiary education are likely to be more knowledgeable about agricultural production and communication since it is anticipated that they are well read. These statistics indicating only a minority with advanced education are convincing that an effective agricultural communication strategy has to be implemented con- sidering that smallholders now occupy most arable land in Zimbabwe (Manyeruke et al., 2013: 278–279). Thus, farmers’ preference rankings of given media are presented in Table 1 .
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