provinces – British Columbia and Alberta – followed in quick succession. At that point, the spread across the country stalled, and the provinces increasingly looked to the federal government to build a national approach. The Prime Minister, Louis St. Laurent, vacillated, insisting that his government would support provincial health insurance programs only when a majority of the provinces representing a majority of the population was ready to join a national scheme. By the mid-1950s, however, this condition was met when Ontario and Newfoundland joined the list of provinces demanding federal action. In 1957, the federal government introduced a universal hospital insurance program, which shared the costs of provincial programs, and within four years, all of the provinces had joined. Quebec was the last in, joining after the election of the Parti liberal in 1960 (Maioni 1998; Taylor 1987). A similar cycle extended health insurance to physician services. In 1962, the NDP government of Saskatchewan again took the lead, introducing a Medicare plan, despite a bitter three-week doctors’ strike, the first organised withdrawal of services by medical professionals in North America. Key elements in the settlement that ended the strike – universal and comprehensive coverage, the right of patients to choose their own doctors, and the preservation of a fee-for-service payment for physicians – became the starting point for national debate. The Saskatchewan experience demonstrated that the social-democratic approach was feasible in administrative and political terms. Doctors no longer had to provide uncompensated care, and their incomes actually rose in the early years of the program, easing the danger of militant opposition elsewhere. This early success gave ammunition to reformist forces in national politics, and their opportunity came in 1963 with the return to power of the federal Liberal Party. The Liberals were committed to a national medicare program of some sort, a move “aimed at co-opting the CCF-NDP’s health reform agenda” (Maioni 1998: 128). Moreover, the new government was in a minority in Parliament and depended on the support of minor parties, including the NDP.
The other political factor that has played an important part throughout the history of Canada and its social programs is federalism. For much of the postwar period, Ottawa played a leadership role in the distribution of power and influence over social programs as between the federal and provincial governments. But the pendulum has been swinging back in the 1990s and first decade of the new century. The two levels of government now play equally important roles. This power shift is so important a force in understanding the current reforms to Canadian social policy that it merits a somewhat longer explanation.
The Government of Canada, via the Inuvialuit and Sahtú Dene and Métis Comprehensive land claim agreements, committed to working with these respective Aboriginal peoples to attain specific economic goals. Parks Canada, via the park establishment agreements for Tuktut Nogait, provides economic opportunities for the residents of Paulatuk and Délįne, as well as to the broader group of participants to these agreements. Since the establishment of Tuktut Nogait, Parks Canada has annually employed two to five staff based in Paulatuk, and another 25 to 35 staff in three other communities across the Inuvialuit Settlement Regional and Sahtú Settlement Area. Parks Canada is one of the largest federal employers in the Western Arctic region. The Agency purchases millions of dollars in goods and services annually from businesses owned by beneficiaries of both land claims. Visitors and researchers are encouraged to use the expertise of local businesses and service providers in Paulatuk and Délįne.
transform “words to numbers” as they provide ac- cess, selectivity, reliability, continuity over time and ease of coding (Hutter, 2014; Franzosi, 2004). International news wires and newspapers are not the best source in cross-national research because of the low level of incidence reported on each country, undermining the representativeness of each case (Imig, 2001). Yoruk (2012) has already created a protest database for Turkey that records and classifies protest activities spanning the whole period from 1970 on by leading a research team that manually surveyed microfilm archives. This database shows that grassroots politics in Turkey has shifted from the formal working class to the informal working class and from Turks to Kurds, which explains the shift in Turkish welfare poli- cies from social insurance to social assistance and the disproportional targeting of the Kurdish poor in social assistance provision.
The National Child Benefit architecture succeeded because it made both good politics and good policy – an all too rare combination. All provinces and territories signed on. Each order of government made joint structural changes to their respective child benefit systems that could not have accomplished on their own. There is empirical evidence from government, think tank and academic researchers that the National Child Benefit has had positive income and behavioural effects, reducing poverty and helping lower the welfare wall.
recommended the closure of the Prison for Women, citing the specific inequities experienced by female federal offenders, such as: geographic dislocation; the lack of adequate programmes and services; undue classification. Unusually for the time, this Committee included three members from the voluntary sector. The Clark Report prompted the formation of the National Planning Committee on the Female Offender, which was asked to respond to the points raised by Clark, particularly the two alternative plans Clark had formulated. These suggested that: the federal government should continue to be responsible for federal women, but should house them in small regional facilities; or the provinces should take charge of these women. The Needham Report (1978) was the result o f the National Planning Committee’s deliberations and it opted for closure of the Prison for Women, and the building of two replacement facilities in the east and west of Canada, which would remain in federal control. As with the two previous Committees, Needham supported the idea of more community-based facilities and raised the possibility of a ‘co-correctional’ institution (Ekstedt & Griffiths 1988: 337). The Chinnery Committee had simultaneously been charged with assessing the viability o f the regional facilities and, in its report, also rejected the notion of keeping open the Prison for Women. By 1981 the Canadian Association o f E. Fry Societies (CAEFS) had presented a brief to the Solicitor-General advocating closure and suggesting that a Sixth Region, responsible for federal women, should be created within Corrections.5 This last was echoed by the Canadian Bar Association, which added its weight to the debate in 1988 by producing Justice Behind the Walls (Jackson). It bluntly said that legislation should be introduced to compel closure of the prison. This overwhelming pressure for change culminated in the Daubney Committee recommending that the Prison for Women should close within five years, and that a Task Force should be instituted to decide on the best way of facilitating it. The Task Force which finally emerged insisted that it ‘was not a government response to the Daubney Report ’ and was ‘not premised on the closure o f the Prison for Women’ (TFFSW 1990: 70.) While it should be recognised that ‘every major correctional inquiry in Canada [at least until 1988] has commented on
The new data that is now available in the convenient form of a Public Use Microdata File (PUMF) on CD comes from the 2011 National Household Survey (Statistics Canada, 2014a). This was a voluntary survey that replaced the long-form census questionnaire. While such statistical changes are usu- ally boring affairs only noted by statisticians and economists, this replacement turned out to be anything but, triggering the resignation of the Chief Statistician and igniting a controversy that is still raging more than four years later, with a bill to reintroduce the mandatory long-form questionnaire being debated and angry op-ed pieces still appearing in the Globe and Mail (Jacobsen, 2014). When the new National Household Survey (NHS) was published, like most economists and commentators, we had fairly low expectations. We thought that it would probably turn out to be fairly useless as claimed by many economists because of the low response rates often associated with volun- tary surveys and because of the difficulty of making comparisons of data of interest across time given the change in methodology. We recognized that the long form had the advantage of consistency of approach across time and that this facilitated intertemporal comparisons of data.
Federal requirements under welfare reform have emphasized work-seeking activities, sanctions for non-compliance, and time-limited assistance. At the same time, states have had considerable flexibility in the use of funds. To accomplish welfare to work, some states have used strategies that can promote the building of assets. This BRIEF presents examples of state organizational structures and program elements with the potential for building assets in TANF recipients; it is not a comprehensive survey. This is the third in the series on welfare reform.
Politically, however, they tended to be divided prompting one scholar to observe that Abyssinia is “a country accustomed to fraction (Marcus 1994: 57). This internal division among the Abyssinians reached its maximum during the period known as the Zemene Mesafint (era of the Princes). The Zemana Mesafint set in after a Tigrean warlord, called Michael Sihul, captured the capital and killed the incumbent ruler in January 1769 and lasted until 1855. During this period lasting almost ninety years, Abyssinia was divided into Gondar, Tigray and Gojjam. The rulers of these three centers were pitted against each other as well as against their internal competitors. The overall result of these rivalries is the intensification of a culture of conspiracy and intrigue. A small Abyssinian detachment from Gonder “in about 1300, --- infiltrated into the north- east of present Shawa (mountainous region called Ankober and later called Menz) and later established the Abyssinian kingdom of the Shawa dynasty. This was to be used as a base for their conquest of the south during the coming centuries” (melbaa 1988:43). The Shawan dynasty was “founded by Negasi Kristos (1696 – 1702)”, and “grew strong under the Gonder throne” (Melbaa 1988: 45). Italy declared the formation of its colony named Eritrea, which included part of Tigree and other nationalities living on western Shore of Red Sea, on 1 January 1890. Nevertheless, the aspiration to reunite the Tigre part of Eritrea with the remainder of Abyssinians lingered in both communities. Reunification became a reality in the 1950 when the United States supported a UN resolution that federated Eritrea and Ethiopia. The Imperial Ethiopian Government of Emperor Haile Selassie ultimately revoked Eritrea’s federal status and annexed it to become just one of its provinces in 1962. By then those sectors of Eritrean population who have opposed the federation from the very outset, particularly the Muslims of the western lowland, had already launched an armed struggle for independence. The sector seeking independence continued to rise as even the Christian highlanders who originally supported union with Ethiopia got increasingly disillusioned and joined the ranks of those already conducting armed struggle. The struggle for independence was ultimately capped with success in 1991 thereby once again dividing Abyssinian society.
Description: Would: 1) raise the age at which a minor child can be surrendered from 72 hours or younger, to 30 days; 2) allow a local fire agency to designate safe surrender sites with the approval of the local governing body of the agency; 3) specify that persons at a safe surrender site have no liability prior to taking physical custody of a child; 4) require the California Department of Social Services to convene a workgroup to develop and disseminate regulations to clarify rules with respect to a mother who gives up her baby in a hospital, the definition of a safely surrendered baby, and parental information provided to, and received by counties; and 5) fund activities required by AB 1048 using State Children’s Trust Fund and California Children and Families Proposition 10 Commission Funds.
UT Law’s Conference on State and Federal Appeals—designed for advanced-level civil appellate practitioners—has earned a reputation as the premier program on appellate practice and procedure in Texas and is the annual gathering of state and federal appellate judges. Now in its 26 th year, this conference is a must-attend event for every Texas civil
The Principles of Animal Welfare, Animal Rights, Statutory provisions under Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1960, and other relevant Acts and Rules there-under, Human – Animal relationship, Management of Zoos & Animal and Bird Sanctuaries, introduction to diagnosis and treatment of animal diseases, introduction to Animal Experimentation.
Federal State Comity Federal Court Invites State Court Abstention SMU Law Review Volume 26 | Issue 2 Article 10 1972 Federal State Comity Federal Court Invites State Court Abstention John L Carter Fol[.]
The selective welfarestate programmes are enforced by the local authorities. These local authorities will act as the messenger to the local populations by informing the people of the welfare cuts agenda and enforce it. Pierson (1996) coined the term ‘burden sharing’ by shifting responsibilities from national to local actors without adequate funding, thereby forcing the locals to enact cuts. This, in fact, is not congruent with the values of the local government. The Widdicombe Committee (1986) defines the value of local government through three stems: pluralism, participation via local democracy and responsiveness towards local needs via the service delivery. The decision to reduce the welfarestate programmes has been made without consultation with the public. It therefore follows that the selective welfare programme resembles a top-down approach, contrary to Jordan and Richardson’s (1982) idea of a discrete ‘British policy style’ comprising clientelism, consultation, sectorisation, institutionalisation of compromise and the development of exchange relationships. The government should perhaps develop a more nuanced theory of a selective welfarestate through a citizens’ lens on the impact of the reform on them. The selective welfare agenda warrants greater elucidation to enlighten the population in terms of its necessities, the way it operates, how the citizens could buffer themselves from uncertainties and a medium to raise grievance, if any.
We demonstrate empirically that national pride positively impacts welfare. Works such as Frey and Stutzer  and Frey  indicate that subjective well-being (e.g. level of happiness or life satisfaction) is a satisfactory approxi- mation of utility. As scholars often measure welfare using utility, we therefore proxy welfare using respondent happiness. We use integrated data from the Eu- ropean Value Survey (EVS) for 1981, 1990, 1999 and 2008, which is a compre- hensive dataset that contains information on interviews conducted with respon- dents from 48 countries (mainly European), on opinions, beliefs, ideas, stated preferences, attitudes, and values related to family and work issues as well no- tions about religion, politics, as well as society 1 . We estimate the following using
A key aspect of CHST that differentiated the Canadian experience of welfare decentralization from the U.S.’s was that the US law (the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, or PRWORA) mandated a specific set of new reform strategies—time limits and sanctions for non-compliance to work requirements—as federal law. In addition, states were constrained in their ability to lower welfare benefit levels and were required to have 25 percent of their caseload participating in work-related activity. Thus, while states were given freedom in other policy areas, such as earnings exemptions and diversion strategies, federal work participation mandates meant that similar sets of policy changes went into effect across the 50 states shortly after the passage of PRWORA in 1996. In contrast, Canada’s decentralization had, at its core, no federally mandated initiatives specifically aimed at reducing welfare use or incentivizing work. This allowed for greater differences in the combinations of policy changes that were undertaken across provinces and substantial differences in their timing.
Bailey (1978) derives an elegant expression for optimal unemployment insurance where the loss due to moral hazard equals the smoothing gains from insurance. Let g and b denote consumption in employment and unemployment, and θ the coefficient of relative risk aversion (see also the Box ”Welfare gains from insurance”). Furthermore, we introduce ε as the elasticity of unemployment duration with respect to the unemployment benefit level, which captures the moral hazard effect. Maximising social welfare for a given individual incentive compatibility constraint yields the following implicit function for the optimal unemployment insurance as a percentage of the wage (rr*): (g(rr*)-b(rr*))/g(rr*) × θ = ε. At the optimal level of unemployment benefits, the smoothing gain on the left-hand side of the equation equals the cost of moral hazard on the right-hand side. The quotient term falls in rr*. Hence, a rise in ε or a fall in θ has to be balanced by a drop in rr* to restore optimality. We consider θ = 0.5 and 2.0. The empirical literature suggests that ε is around 0.5 for unemployment insurance. That leaves us with the expression for the term on the left-hand side of the equation. Gruber (1997) finds the following empirical relation for (g(rr)-b(rr))/g(rr) ≈ 0.24 - 0.28 rr. One interpretation of this relation, which requires substantial extrapolation though, is that in the absence of unemployment insurance consumption would be 24% lower in unemployment than in employment. Due to the displacement of other smoothing mechanisms the ‘consumption replacement rate’ rises less than the ‘income replacement rate’. Indeed, as individuals are able to smooth consumption via e.g. the capital market or a working spouse, differences in consumption between employed and unemployed workers will be smaller than differences in income. Superimposing
Columbia Court of Appeal considered the scope of the liberty interest in s. 7: “The trial judge has characterized the issue as ‘right to work’ [a purely economic question], when he should have directed his attention to a more important aspect of liberty, the right to pursue a livelihood or profession [a matter concerning one’s dignity and sense of self worth].” The court in Wilson acknowledges that work is a fundamental aspect of an individual’s life because it provides not only a means of financial support, but because it also serves certain psychological needs. If the right to pursue a profession is protected under s. 7 because employment relates to the individual’s identity, dignity, and self-respect, one could argue a fortiori that this protection applies to social welfare interests. 26
Description: Would 1) require an independent scientific study on well stimulation treatments (such as hydraulic fracturing and acid injection) to be conducted by January 1, 2015; 2) provide a comprehensive regulatory framework for the regulation of well stimulation treatments in California; 3) require air and water quality monitoring by State agencies and local water quality boards in districts where well stimulation treatments take place; and 4) require the State Water Resources Control Board, on or before January 1, 2015, to develop a groundwater monitoring model criteria to be implemented either on a well-by-well basis or on a regional scale, on how to conduct appropriate monitoring on individual oil and gas wells subject to a well stimulation treatment in order to protect all waters designated for beneficial uses and prioritize the monitoring of groundwater that is or has the potential to be a source of drinking water.