Top PDF Chemical Fertilizer and Migration in China

Chemical Fertilizer and Migration in China

Chemical Fertilizer and Migration in China

This paper examines a possible connection between China’s massive rural to urban migration and high chemical fertilizer use rates during the late 1980s and 1990s. Using panel data on villages in rural China (1987-2002), we find that labor out-migration and fertilizer use per hectare are positively correlated. Using 2SLS, employing the opening of a Special Economic Zone in a nearby city as an instrument, we find that village fertilizer use is linked to contemporaneous short-term out-migration of farm workers. We also examine the long-term environmental consequences of chemical fertilizer use during this period. Using OLS, we find that fertilizer use intensity is correlated with future fertilizer use rates and diminished effectiveness of fertilizer, demonstrating persistency in use patterns, and suggesting that in areas with high use of fertilizer, the land is becoming less responsive. We also demonstrate that fertilizer use within a river basin is correlated with organic forms of water pollution, suggesting that industrialization has induced pollution in China both directly and through its impact on rural labor supply.
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Ageing, migration and familial support in rural China

Ageing, migration and familial support in rural China

Western modernisation theory hypothesizes that industrialisa- tion, rural–urban migration, and the growth of modern social insti- tutions such as the welfare state have all led to the declining importance of familial support for the older people (see Ikels, 2008 ). It continues that greater geographic mobility pulls extended families apart, as frequency of interaction decreases dramatically with greater physical separation. However, research carried out in Asian countries has found that social change brought about through modernisation has not necessarily resulted in the decline of family ties. Ochiai (2009) developed a ‘care-diamond’ frame- work to examine configurations of different sectors (state-family- community-market) in providing old age care and childcare in Asian countries. In China, by applying Ochiai’s framework to ana- lyse national survey data in 2000 and 2006, Shang and Wu (2011) found that the care regime remains traditional, relying heavily on the family because the Chinese state is reluctant to as- sume more responsibility for funding and provision. In Taiwan, parents supported migration of their children as they hoped it would enhance the economic prosperity of the family; and despite living in separate residences the adult children tended to retain strong bonds with their parents and other relatives ( Marsh and
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Post-Socialist International Migration: The Case of China-to-South Korea Ethnic Labour Migration

Post-Socialist International Migration: The Case of China-to-South Korea Ethnic Labour Migration

which include age at time of migration, family status, level of education, type of school(s) attended, type of occupation in China, Communist party membership, intended duration of stay in Korea and income difference. Model B was sequentially tested with the variables that showed significant correlation to the dependent variable in the first chi-square analysis of the data (Table 5). Testing of the exploratory Model C includes only the variables with a high p-value − namely family status as measured by having children at home, lower education, and intention of temporary foreign labour stay overseas (i.e., S. Korea) – and were entered using stepwise method. Model C appears to provide microeconomic level decision making characterisation of the likelihood of labour migration of Chosunjok. It shows that while having children to raise at home and lower educational achievements have positive
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Ageing in rural China: migration and care circulation

Ageing in rural China: migration and care circulation

This article applies the concept of care circulation (Baldassar and Merla, Transnational families, migration and the circulation of care: understanding mobility and absence in family life, 2013) to the processes involved in the care of old people in rural China, an area which has hitherto been predominantly located in a quantitatively based intergenerational transfer framework. Drawing upon a qualitative study of rural families in the context of rural to urban migration, this article examines the multidirectional and asymmetrical exchanges of caregiving and care-receiving and seeks to provide a more nuanced understanding of the impact of migration upon ageing and familial care in rural China. First, going beyond a unidirectional flow or two-way transfer, this article reveals that care circulates between different family members, in different locations, to differing degrees, over the life course. This circulation framework enables an examination of intra-generational dynamics as well as intergenerational relations. Second, this article draws attention to the mediating factors that impact upon the ways in which adult children care for the older generation. It reveals how the employment status of migrating adult children, the temporal dimension of migration and family life cycle of migrating children as well as family relations between the older generation and adult child generation are critical factors. These factors also contribute to the quality of care provided. Finally, while confirming existing scholarship that gender is an important dimension in structuring old age support in rural China, this article calls for a more differentiated approach among generations of women and between regions, revealing the ways in which local migration history interacts with intergenerational dynamics to determine the cohort of women that endure the greatest burden of care.
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Labour market outcomes, migration intentions of rural-urban migrants and return migration in China

Labour market outcomes, migration intentions of rural-urban migrants and return migration in China

Monetary income is the most important and basic indicator of labour market performance of rural-urban migrants in China. Many studies have been conducted to understand income determinants of migrant workers in urban China. For example, neoclassical economists have focused on the return to the investment in human capital and its difference between migrant workers and other social groups (Lu and Song 2006b; Fu and Ren 2010). Structuralists have highlighted the importance of wider institutional processes and emphasized the demand side of labour market (Knight and Yueh 2009). Behaviourists and new migration economists have attempted to investigate the effects of factors beyond the conventional earning determinants by including cognitive, social capital, and family factors (Du, Park, and Wang 2005; Yueh 2008). While the existing literature on the income determinants of migrant labourers has generated some understanding of how various factors are related to the performance of migrant workers, there is still a large variation in migrant earnings that cannot be properly explained (Zhao 2005). The geographical differentiation of migrant labour markets has long been under-rated. More importantly, migrant workers are often treated as a homogenous group in coastal cities, and labour migration is viewed simplistically as a one-way process between places of origin and destinations (Borjas and Stephen 1992; Chiquiar and Hanson 2005)
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Trade, Migration and Productivity: A Quantitative Analysis of China

Trade, Migration and Productivity: A Quantitative Analysis of China

What are the consequences of these measured changes in trade and migration costs? In a series of quantitative exercises using the fully calibrated model, we evaluate how cost changes affect trade flows, migration, welfare, productivity, and regional income differences. Lower international trade costs increased the stock of both inter-provincial and within-province migrants by 4-6%. Lower internal trade costs results in about 2.3% fewer inter-provincial migrants and 2.3% more within-province migrants. Though migration responses are small, aggregate wel- fare responses are large – 10.9% gains from internal trade cost reductions, 3.1% for external, and 13.8% for both. The large gains from internal trade cost reductions, relative to the external reductions, are primarily because the share of spending going to producers outside one’s local region but within China is larger than to producers outside China. In terms of regional income differences, internal trade cost reduc- tions lower the variance in (log) real incomes across provinces by over 7% while reductions in international trade costs increase the variance by nearly 2%.
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Migration, remittances, poverty and inequality in China: a counterfactual analysis

Migration, remittances, poverty and inequality in China: a counterfactual analysis

every year, which makes a great contribution to improving the living stan- dard of the left-behinds. On the other hand, the estimated Gini index among rural household has increased from 0.23 at the beginning of migration trend to 0.35 during the outbreak period of rural-to-urban migration(Li, 2003; Cai, 2005), which means that there may exist a potential inequality growth in ru- ral China. Yet, how much of the inequality can be explained by migration? What is the real effect of migration and remittances on poverty and inequal- ity in rural China? As far as the international migration is concerned, recent studies tend to show a consistent reduction of migration and remittances on sending areas’ poverty, whatever method is used. In contrast, inequality is considered to be different according to recipient countries. McKenzie and Rapoport (2007) explained that the Inter-temporal accumulation of wealth and the continuous expanding of migration networks lead to an inverted U- shaped relationship between inequality and migration in a particular region. In the early period of emigration, although the low income families had high motivation to emigrate, only affluent families could afford the cost of sending family members abroad. In this case, most of the international remittances flowed into rich families, resulting in a more serious inequality situation. With the expanding and development of migration networks, more and more low-income families could send migrants workers to obtain economic assis- tance and the income gap tended to be narrowed at this stage.
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Household Investment through migration in Rural China

Household Investment through migration in Rural China

Without access to more traditional sources of credit, it is possible that farmers in poor ar- eas could turn to migration as a way to finance new investments. In other parts of the world, researchers have studied the effect of migration and remittances on household investments in the source community (e.g. Durand et al., 1996; Dustmann and Kirchkamp, 2001). With the enormous increase in out migration from rural areas, a great deal of it coming from poorer areas (deBrauw et al., 2002), it seems a logical place to consider as a source of investment capital for poor, ru- ral households. Zhao (2002), Bai (2001) and Murphy (1999) have all explored the link between migration and source community investment in rural China. Unfortunately, the works of Bai and Murphy are largely descriptive. Although Zhao’s multivariate analysis finds a positive relationship between migration and investment, her data set has no time dimension, so she is unable to account for unobserved heterogeneity that could affect the results.
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Migration in the People's Republic of China

Migration in the People's Republic of China

This report summarizes the characteristics of migration in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) after its reforms and opening up. Rapid urbanization in the PRC has resulted from recent decades of intense rural–urban migration. The scale of migration increased rapidly and long-term migration is the main characteristic. The population characteristics of migration are determined not only by a personal decision, but also a joint decision within households to send members with comparative advantages in manufacturing and services, usually male and young, to work in cities. Coastal regions where manufacturing and services are better developed, especially big cities, are the major destinations. The aspiration for higher-income and better job opportunities is the major force that drives migration, while public services and urban amenities also partly account for population flows. However, in the PRC, there are still major institutional barriers—especially the hukou system and related segmentation in the urban labor market, social security, and public services access—that hinder rural–urban and interregional migration. Facing the challenges of fast urbanization and growing urban diseases, local governments still rely on the current system to control the population flow into large cities. Controlling population growth by discriminative policies will lead to more social problems. Policy makers should reconsider the way to achieve efficient and harmonious urbanization by shifting to more pro-market policies and reducing the migration costs embedded in institutional constraints.
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Patterns and trends of migration in Guangdong Province, China

Patterns and trends of migration in Guangdong Province, China

Similar to the national situation in China, in demographic studies much less attention has been paid to migration research, particularly to the research such as the demographic, social and economic characteristics of migrants in Guangdong Province. One of the main reasons has been the lack of data. However, the research on the demographic, social and economic characteristics of migrants is important, because these characteristics can affect socio-economic development in both sending and receiving areas. For example, a large-scale rural-urban migration of working age people will provide abundant labourers for the cities, but at the same time it may result in unemployment in the cities. It will help reduce the pressure of surplus agricultural labour force in the rural areas, but it perhaps will also result in the lack of high quality human resources in the rural areas. If the migrants are mostly males, it can cause an imbalance in sex ratio in both sending and receiving areas. A good understanding of the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of migrants is useful not only for recognizing regular patterns of migration, but also for the formulation of migration and urbanization policy, and the strategy of socio-economic development including such social and related (e.g. health care, adult education) policies that would alleviate social problem resulting from migration.
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Impacts of Income Gap on Migration Decision in China

Impacts of Income Gap on Migration Decision in China

However, the research on China internal migration has lagged behind the research in other fields. This lag results mainly from the lack of data (Ma et al., 1997: 707). Under the hypothesis that internal migration was well controlled by government and thus it did not need to be studied, Chinese government did not include any question on migration in the census before 1990. Furthermore, no survey of migration was carried out before the mid-1980s. Migration research based on various surveys has flourished since the late 1980s. In 1990, the variable "migration" was first introduced in census. The data availability from various sources greatly stimulated the researches in this field. Nevertheless, by western standards, and compared with the migration literature on developing economies in the last three decades, migration research in China is still at an early stage (Wu & Zhou, 1997: 54). This backwardness appears at least as follows: firstly, most researches remain qualitative. Secondly, the objective of the migration survey is often subordinate to some governmental policies instead of theoretical research. Consequently, many migration surveys aim only at descriptive or static analysis or they are just inserted into other surveys, such as "China 1988 2/1000 Fertility and Birth Control Survey". Thirdly, the analyses which focus on the relation between income and migration are essentially concentrated on the comparison of the income differences between diverse groups, such as the migrants and the non-migrants (Li, 1997). The dynamic interaction between income and labor mobility is rarely examined.
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Competitive Pressure on China: Factor Rewards Migration

Competitive Pressure on China: Factor Rewards Migration

Our objective is to assess personal income under perfect competition, when factors are rewarded according to their productivities, and to contrast the ensuing distribution with the status quo. Competition will yield winners and losers, both in terms of factor claims and in terms of regions or provinces. Income differences will press people to migrate. To analyze this, we divide China into 30 input-output sectors and 27 provinces; we maximize domestic final demand, while preserving its proportions in each province, subject to material balances and factor constraints. The shadow prices to the constraints represent competitive commodity prices and factor rewards. Unskilled labor would stand to lose and, therefore, inequality would mount. The pressure on interprovincial migration would be enormous with 10 to 20% of the people on the road. The flipside is the great potential for improvement of the average standard of living.
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Left-behind children and return migration in China

Left-behind children and return migration in China

in terms of school enrolment and years of schooling compared with children whose parents do not migrate (Lee, 2011; Lu, 2012). The lag in educational progress of the children who stay behind in rural areas is corroborated by Meyerhoefer and Chen (2011) on data from the 1995 China Living Standards Survey (CLSS) in 2 north eastern provinces (Hebei and Liaoning). Drawing on data collected in 2000 in 6 provinces representative of China, Wang (2014) also confirms the detrimental impact of parental migration on children ’ s school enrolment and finds that the negative effect is larger for boys than for girls. The adverse effect of parental migration is found to start early in the educational process for boys and to persist over time, whereas for girls, it is signifi- cant at the secondary school level only. A negative impact of parental migration is also found on children’s school performance and cognitive development (Zhang et al., 2014; Zhao et al., 2014; Zhou et al., 2014). Zhang et al. (2014) study grade 3 to grade 5 pupils in a county of Hunan province and find significant negative impacts of being left- behind by both parents on children’s cognitive development (measured by Chinese and mathematics test scores), whereas the impact of being left-behind by one parent is in- significant. Similar findings are reported by Zhou et al. (2014) on data from children staying behind in Anhui and Jiangxi provinces. Finally, drawing on survey data on grade 4 and grade 5 pupils collected in 2009 in Ningxia and Qinghai, Zhao et al. (2014) find that the negative impact of having a migrant parent on a child’s math score is larger with a migrant mother than with a migrant father.
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Migration, urban population growth and regional disparity in China

Migration, urban population growth and regional disparity in China

Chinese population, especially rural population had been subject to migration controls for a long time. Shortly after the foundation of the People’s Republic of China, a household registration system had been initiated. Since the end of the 1950s’, this Hukou system became the basis of restrictions on population mobility. With the Hukou system, the central government manages to exert controls on the migration towards cities, and on the size growth of the cities. The Hukou status attributed to each household indicates the rural or urban nature of its resident place, and the agricultural or non-agricultural nature of the occupation of its members. It is forbidden to migrate from rural to urban areas, except for students going to high education institutions, or workers recruited by state enterprises (Chan and Zhang, 1999). Without official urban status, migrant coming from rural areas have no access to urban social welfare system, such as free public education, health care, low rent housing, etc. They could hardly survive in cities especially because of the food ration system. Consequently, till the beginning of the 1980s’, besides natural growth, urban population growth derives mainly from official migration governed by local authorities through a quota system, instead of spontaneous migration driven by individual decisions.
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Explaining North Korean migration to China

Explaining North Korean migration to China

THE NORTH KOREA/CHINA BORDER REGION is often portrayed as a place of recent North Korean migration that started in the wake of famine of the early 1990s and which accelerated as poverty and economic hardships became a permanent feature of the North Korean economic landscape. This common knowledge is, however, only partially true and obscures as much as it illuminates: It ignores and is ignorant of the pre-existing fluidity of legal and illegal migration between the northern DPRK and the northern provinces of China. Importantly, the dominant narrative fails to understand that what was very new about the 1990s was not inter-country migration itself but the reversal of migration flow patterns. Prior to the 1990s, migration between the two countries was mainly a one-way traffic of ethnic Koreans of Chinese nationality heading south towards North Korea. Some contra-flow took place as North Korean women who had married Chinese men attempted, against North Korean government opposition, to move to China (Document No. 2) but major changes in the direction of flow did not start until the 1990s, despite some evidence of changing migrations patterns in the 1970s. In 1970 for example Chinese state authorities
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Peer Migration in China

Peer Migration in China

Panel B of Table 5 shows the key 2SLS estimates, while other coefficients from the same specification are reported in Appendix Table A2. One consistent finding across the four columns is that migrants are younger, more educated, and have more access to drivable roads. They are also more likely to be male, and have less house value and less contract land. These patterns are consistent with the existing literature on both international migration (Rosenzweig 1988, Lucas 1997) and internal migration within China (Zhao 1999a & 1999b). The number of household members in any age group has a positive effect on migration, suggesting that the need for more resources to support a large family dominates the need to take care of family members. The coefficient of having a boy in the household is negative, suggesting that boy preference may hinder migration because the demand for extra fertility is lower, parents (and grandparents) want to spend more times with boys, or they can rely on their sons (and grandsons) to provide elderly care and therefore have fewer incentives to work and save for themselves.
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Land Rights Insecurity and Temporary Migration in Rural China

Land Rights Insecurity and Temporary Migration in Rural China

system” (liang tian zhi ) was experimented. First set up at the end of the 1980s in some counties of the Shandong povince, among which the most famous is Pingdu, this system progressively spread over China during the 1990s. Cheng and Tsang (1996) summarize this system as follows: “Under this scheme, some parts of the land are to be evenly dis- tributed among the rural households as kouliang tian (land for the production of grain for self-consumption) with permanent tenancy rights. The remaining land is to be leased as shangpin tian (commodity land) or zeren tian (responsibility land) to grain-growing specialists by open bidding. Agricultural taxation and obligations to fulfill the state pro- curement quota are applied to the latter only”. As is generally the case in rural China, official regulations and recommendations have not been directly and homogeneously im- plemented, and there have been local variations in the actual definition of the bundles of rights attached to grain-ration land and to responsibility land. Nevertheless, the founding principle has remained: kouliang tian is intended to enable farmers “to retain some land to secure their food supply” (Cheng and Tsang (1996)), whereas zeren tian is meant to be used to produce for the market and for the authorities, through quotas and taxes. Grain ration land plots are thus more secure than responsibility land, that is to say grain ration land is less likely to be seized and reallocated in case of out-migration because it is precisely designed to act as a “safety net” for farmers.
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Migration Decision and Rural Income Inequality in Northwestern China

Migration Decision and Rural Income Inequality in Northwestern China

He finds that earnings received by migrant workers are much higher than what they would receive as workers in local farm or nonfarm sectors. But internal migration in the studied area has high fixed costs. Du, Park and Wang (2005) restudied this issue using data from four western provinces. They observe that the rural policy reform initiated in the late 1990s benefits rural households disproportionately, in the sense that the poorest rural households still find migration extremely costly, while middle-class rural households benefit a lot from lower agricultural taxes, more transportation subsidies, better working conditions and higher labor insurance coverage. Thus, migration can enlarge income inequality under this scenario. Zhu and Luo (2009) study the impact of migration on income inequality in Hubei province, situated in central China. In their sample, nonmigrant households have richer land resources and higher initial household wealth, but remittances received by migrant households are more than home production earnings of nonmigrant households, thus participating in rural-urban migration is both individually and socially optimal.
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The retirement migration puzzle in China

The retirement migration puzzle in China

as medical insurance and pension, migration status, and income. We keep those individuals aged between 40 and 75 years who have never quit the labor force before retirement, which amounts to a sample of 228,855 adults; ii) our RD framework exploits that the probability of retiring increases discontinuously at the statutory retirement age in China (i.e., 60 for males, 50 for female workers, and 55 for female civil servants). These thresholds are induced by mandatory retirement rules, which were officially established in 1978 and have not changed since then. The mandatory retirement rules are strictly enforced for urban workers (especially in public sectors) but less so for rural residents such as farmers or those who are self-employed. This is ideal for conducting a placebo test on the sample of the rural population; iii) the Chinese institutional setting offers an important advantage over studies focusing on other countries such as the United States, where individuals become eligible for the Medicare insurance program once they pass the age threshold of 65. It is therefore hard to disentangle the effects of retirement from those of Medicare insurance such that studies using the threshold of age 65 as an instrument for retirement (Insler 2014; Neuman 2008) run the risk of confounding their results with the effects of Medicare eligibility. This problem is avoided when focusing on China because it has a universal healthcare system, in which more than 95% of its population are insured via the Urban Employee Medical Insurance (UEMI) or the Urban Residence Medical Insurance (URMI) for urban residents, or via the New Cooperative Medical Scheme (NCMS) for rural residents. Retirees continue to enroll in their healthcare plans. Thus, the estimated effect of retirement will not be confounded by changes in health insurance.
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Migration from China to the EU: the challenge within Europe

Migration from China to the EU: the challenge within Europe

Although the vast majority of Chinese citizens have gained in some way from China’s rise, the distribution of the benefits of its economic development have been quite uneven, with economic and social inequality increasing between different social groups. For instance, rural incomes continue to rise at a slower rate than urban incomes, leading to increasing income gaps between urban and rural residents in term of the ratio of annual net income per capita from 2.65 times in 1999 to 3.33 times in 2009 (see NBS 2009). This uneven development has been closely associated with increasing rural-to-urban migration in China (Pieke and Mallee, 1999; Sun, 2007), and it has two important consequences for international migration. Firstly, social inequality and discrimination, for instance against rural-to-urban migrant workers (Pun, 2003; Yan, 2003), is a major factor driving some Chinese people, including both rural and urban residents, to seek economic opportunities in Europe (Christiansen, 2003), even via illegal channels. Secondly, the authors’ fieldwork in Europe has found that income inequalities, which reflect social stratification and labour market segregation in China, have also influenced economic and social structures in overseas Chinese communities in Europe, resulting in poor working conditions and forced labour in some European Chinese businesses (Zanin and Wu, 2012; Wu et al, 2010).
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