Top PDF Child poverty in Scotland : forecasting the impact of policy options

Child poverty in Scotland : forecasting the impact of policy options

Child poverty in Scotland : forecasting the impact of policy options

The light blue squares show how the picture would change if the Scottish Government set the starter rate of income tax to zero. All taxpayer families would benefit from reduced tax, but this policy would not be particularly helpful to those families with children where a significant part of their income is coming from benefits. Lone parents and large families stand to lose between 4% and 6% of their disposable income, on average. These families are more likely to be out of work or not earning enough to benefit from such a policy reform (i.e. they do not pay tax). By contrast, two earner families benefit the most from this policy, with disposable income increasing by an average of 1% for these families (this includes two earner households without children).
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Forecasting Child Poverty in Scotland

Forecasting Child Poverty in Scotland

In the case of the increase in Carers’ Allowance, the smallness of the effect is because the measure does not affect enough households with children to cause any measurable impact on child poverty 19 . And while the Best Start Grant is received by a far higher proportion of families with children – and low-income families with children, in particular – than Carers’ Allowance, the additional payments from the grant – expressed in weekly terms – are not large enough to make an appreciable difference to the poverty rate. The changes to income tax from 2018/19 onwards affect a much larger proportion of the Scottish population than either the increase in Carers’ Allowance or the introduction of the Best Start Grant. However, the maximum gain from the reduction in the rate of income tax to 19% on the first £2,000 of taxable income is £20 per year, or just under 40 pence per week. Even in a household with two earners in the relevant gross income bracket, this is not a large enough sum by itself to result in a statistically significant reduction in child poverty. Meanwhile, the increase of 1% in marginal income tax rates above £24,000 per year gross income results in additional tax payments for people earning above £26,000 per year, but in most cases households with one or more
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Impact Assessment and Micro Simulations of Different Policy Options for Child Benefit in Viet Nam

Impact Assessment and Micro Simulations of Different Policy Options for Child Benefit in Viet Nam

Viet Nam’s economic and social transitions from a low to a middle income country, from an agricultural to an industrial economy, and from a young to an aging society are focusing the attention of policy makers towards systematically strengthening the formal social protection system. Formal social protection, including social assistance, has been increasingly replacing the traditional informal intra-family or community support mechanisms as the latter has been weaken due to migration and the transition from extended, multi-generational families to nuclear ones. While Viet Nam’s traditional social assistance and formal poverty reduction policies emphasized in-kind and geographically-targeted programs addressing structural sources of poverty in remote regions, the use of household- and individual-based cash transfer programs has substantially expanded over the last few years. However, a close examination of Viet Nam’s current formal social assistance and poverty reduction system reveals important policy and implementation gaps that risk hampering the long-term poverty and vulnerability reduction (see, for instance, Evans et al., 2012). Moreover, the delivery systems for social assistance programs are weak, resulting in ineffective service delivery (Giang et al., 2011; UNDP, 2014).
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In figures, child poverty

In figures, child poverty

underlying domain indicators, which are combined to give a single score. The child index uses seven of the eight domains used in WIMD 2008 to measure deprivation. The indicators used are only those thought to be most relevant to children and have been adjusted so that they only refer to children. For example, indicators used in the income domain only relate to households with low incomes that include dependent children. The employment domain is not used in the child index.

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Ethnicity and child poverty

Ethnicity and child poverty

Child poverty commands widespread national and international concern. The United Kingdom (UK) has established its ambitions to end child poverty, with interim targets for substantial reductions and an apparatus to monitor progress. However, the poverty of ethnic minority children has not been strongly emphasised within the child poverty agenda by means, for example, of specific targets for ethnic minority groups. This is despite the fact that children from minority ethnic groups are overrepresented among poor children. Ethnic minorities make up 12 per cent of the population and 15 per cent of children, but 25 per cent of children who are in poverty (author’s own analysis of Households Below Average Income figures 2003/04 – 2005/06). That equates to 700,000 children, a number set to grow by 50,000 by 2010 (Sharma, 2007). All minority groups have higher rates of child poverty than the majority and the poverty rate for Bangladeshi children approaches two-thirds, compared to an average of one fifth. As these children become adults they will carry with them the consequences of childhood poverty and, to the extent that poverty is intergenerational, minorities may make up an increasing share of those in poverty in the UK. The greater risks of poverty faced by children from minority groups demand attention. Yet we do not know if policies to improve family incomes affect all groups evenly. Given higher chances of poverty across minority groups overall, are minority group families with children more responsive to policy levers to reduce child poverty? Or is poverty more intractable and severe – are minority group children at risk of being left behind as other children are gradually lifted out of poverty? What are the implications for the future welfare of the UK’s minority groups? At present we are not in a position to answer such questions.
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Measuring child poverty

Measuring child poverty

The deprivation index is based on the kind of possessions, services and opportunities that most people would consider normal for a child growing up in a wealthy country today. In other words, it is relative to both time and place. Twenty years ago, for example, such a list would not have included an Internet connection. Go back a little further in time and ‘having at least one meal a day with meat, chicken or fish’ would not have been regarded as normal. In fact the longer the historical view the more obvious it becomes that poverty is an essentially relative concept. Any poverty line intended to represent a minimum acceptable standard of living in the industrialized world today implies higher standards of food, clothing, housing, water supply, sanitation, health care, education, transport and entertainment than were available to even the wealthiest households of previous eras. The whole idea of defining child poverty in an absolute sense therefore rests on shaky ground. Unless we wish to argue that the threshold should be set at the minimum income necessary for sheer physical survival then there can in fact be no such thing as an absolute poverty line.
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A Policy Impact Evaluation Model For Scotland: Decoupling Single Farm Payments

A Policy Impact Evaluation Model For Scotland: Decoupling Single Farm Payments

The formulation of our model closely follows the theoretical structure of standard CGE models (Hosoe and Hashimoto 2004; Lofgren et al 2002). Logren et al (2002) provides detailed descriptions of the theoretical structure, algebraic formulations of system of equations for a standard CGE model. Hence, the discussion here is limited to novel aspects of this model. Given that the primary motivation of this paper is to examine aggregate impacts of the policy reform, the model distinguishes between only two producing industries: agricultural activity and non-agricultural activities. Each industry is assumed to produce one commodity: a composite agricultural commodity and a composite non-agricultural commodity. The model distinguishes between rural households and urban households. This is distinction is important because the policy reform essentially relocates funds from production subsidy to farming household income support. The government account is used to transfer subsidies from production to household accounts. The model is essentially static with no variation in the size of factor endowment in the economy during the simulation period. At this stage of model formulation and development, it is important to focus on the “impact interval effect” or the “immediate effect” of the exogenous shock, decoupling of single farm payments, on a range of economy-wide variables. Medium and long- term impacts of the policy shock through induced impacts, for instance, on changes in labour supply via migration or adjustments to capital stock via investment are left for future research (Harigan et al 1991).
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Update on child poverty

Update on child poverty

The Spending Review and the June Budget have both taken action to protect low- income families from the impact of changes to reduce welfare spending. This was achieved by freezing rates of Child Benefit and withdrawing Child Benefit from those paying higher rate Income Tax to partly fund above indexation increases to the Child Tax Credit. These steps have ensured that there is no measurable impact on child poverty from all modelled Budget and Spending Review changes to 2012-13 11 .

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Review of child neglect in Scotland

Review of child neglect in Scotland

46 There’s the dual pathway of Family/Child in Need or family support and the Child Protection one. If the former, then the Locality office will consider a ‘meeting around the child’. We use GIRFEC and the IAF and it’s well embedded, with Named professionals able to call a meeting around the child, at least from Health although not from Education as yet. The Meeting Around the Child (MAC) system works well, especially in small localities where relationships are well established. It can work well as a filter such that cases don’t get to Child Protection but if it’s working very well none would. It has worked well with some suspected neglect cases if supports are accepted and put in. The system is being used; the problem is buy-in by parents, if they don’t then it can end up as a child protection case.
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The Impact of Poverty Alleviation Policy on Urban Household Demand

The Impact of Poverty Alleviation Policy on Urban Household Demand

After economic reform since 1980s in China, more and more people choose to work and live in city, especially for rural, off-farm job providing opportunity for a great number of the surplus rural labor force; in the meantime, which maybe make poverty transfer from rural to urban.

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Bolivia: Impact of shocks and poverty policy on household welfare

Bolivia: Impact of shocks and poverty policy on household welfare

Barja and Urquiola (2003) and Barja, McKenzie and Urquiola (2004) conclude that privatization in infrastructure sectors (telecommunications, electricity and water services) has improved net consumer welfare in main urban areas (with larger impact on the lower income quintiles). Based on regression analysis they show that welfare gains occurred because greater access to services has outweighed welfare loses from some price increases. Based on administrative data they conclude that infrastructure sectors (including the oil and gas industry) had gain in internal efficiency and investment and by large the oil and gas industry attracted most of foreign investment and also generated the greatest prospect for future growth. However, privatization was oversold in the employment and household income front, particularly beyond main urban areas, and has been rejected by the majority of population by the perception that its benefits had reached the few.
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Child Poverty Strategies

Child Poverty Strategies

the three overarching aims and actions are supporting disadvantaged groups and communities. A Tackling Poverty Action Plan annual report was published July 2014 8 . Compared with Scotland and Northern Ireland, Wales’ child poverty strategy 2011 seemed to place greater requirements upon public authorities and greater importance on ensuring that child-poverty related activity happens at all levels of government and across services. A review by the New Policy Institute considered the Welsh strategy to be ‘more advanced than other strategies both in terms of the time it was launched (much earlier) and its content (more detailed and thorough). In particular, the monitoring and measurement were seen as a standard to aim for.’ 9 The Joseph
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The global crisis and the Peruvian labor market: impact and policy options

The global crisis and the Peruvian labor market: impact and policy options

As already discussed, we believe our model is particularly suited for this kind of exercise. In terms of our summary of policy objectives, crisis scenarios and policy options (see Table 2), this exercise should be interpreted as a comparison between cycle dependant active labor market policies and those that stem from the MILES framework (in particular, those referred to labor market institutions and education and skills). In fact, a transitory reduction in the labor tax will serve to mimic a temporary payroll tax holiday which is, clearly, a cycle-dependent type of policy intervention. A permanent reduction, on the other hand, can be interpreted as a change in labor market regulation conducive to cut down non-wage labor costs. Transitory changes in total factor productivity (TFP) can serve to illustrate the potential effects of training programs for dislocated workers. In fact, we assume this to be a shock of transitory nature since training is aimed at helping the unemployed find a new job and we cannot expect it to yield a permanent increase in labor productivity. Productivity enhancement programs, on the other, are expected to have more enduring effects and will therefore be interpreted via a permanent increase in TFP parameters.
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Child poverty : Where are the children

Child poverty : Where are the children

income. Although Ian Duncan Smith, having abandoned the Child Poverty Act and its targets, sought to replace income measures with indicators of worklessness, debt, etc (DWP 2012), national statistics on income-based poverty have continued to be published. Even the right- wing Legatum Institute’s Social Metrics Commission (2018) recently reaffirmed income (after housing costs) as their favoured measure of poverty.

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Re-Evaluating Poverty Alleviation Strategies: The Impact of Microfinance on Child Labor in Bangladesh.

Re-Evaluating Poverty Alleviation Strategies: The Impact of Microfinance on Child Labor in Bangladesh.

Bangladesh serves as an archetype for illustrating the challenges that most young, low-income countries face in choosing appropriate strategies to alleviate poverty. This thesis highlights the possibility that policies aimed at diminishing poverty through credit may not be the panacea their supporters uphold them to be. Though it has demonstrated great promise as an effective mechanism to increase the income of poor households in Bangladesh and around the world, the impact of microfinance cannot be analyzed solely in the context of economic data. According to the economic models presented in chapter two, access to credit and savings should induce parents to withdraw their children from work, however, raising household income levels in Bangladesh may not diminish child labor because either the increase is not sufficient to enable families to withdraw their children from work, or because poverty is not the only reason that children work. It is clear that Bangladeshi children living in households that participate in microfinance programs are more likely to go to school, but primary school stipends failed to significantly diminish child labor (Ravallion and Wodon 2000) which suggests that raising household incomes will not guarantee that children will attend school. In some cases, self-employment enabled by microcredit can actually cause the children of borrowers to work more which detracts from the possibility that they will attend school.
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child poverty and local government

child poverty and local government

These - while a welcome start - do not encapsulate the range of activities carried on at a local level which could still make a vital contribution to achieving the child poverty goals; for example, provision of free sports or cultural activities, improving local transport and the local environment, access to good quality food at affordable prices, work to tackle fuel poverty and projects to promote financial inclusion. Early years work should make an impact on the education targets in the medium term and the provision of good quality childcare likewise should make a difference to progress on the worklessness indicator, but only if there are jobs to be had and other barriers to employment are also overcome. It is important therefore that the message which comes with the publication of the government's measure, due by the end of 2003, makes clear the wide range of factors which need to be tackled. Secondly, it is important that there are both incentives and rewards for local authorities that do tackle crucial issues which may only make a difference to the child poverty measure in the long-term. Without this practical encouragement, it could be difficult for all local authorities to play as full a role as they are able to and indeed wish to.
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POVERTY, ILLNESS, AND THE NEGRO CHILD

POVERTY, ILLNESS, AND THE NEGRO CHILD

for private care-it is the responsibility of social workers and other school personnel to bring the necessary medical care to the children, as is being done now by the Head Start program[r]

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Child Poverty in Large Families

Child Poverty in Large Families

The association between poverty and family size was the focus of Eleanor Rathbone’s The disinherited family, first published in 1924. She recognised that a working-class wage was insufficient to meet the needs of a couple with children and this was one of the main arguments she used in her campaign for family allowances. Beveridge incorporated family allowances in his scheme for social security and family allowances were eventually introduced for the second and subsequent child in 1946. For a time perhaps it was thought that family allowances had solved the problem, because the issue of poverty in large families really only emerged again in the early 1960s. Perhaps the most important study that led to the rediscovery of the problem was by Land (1969). As a pilot for Townsend’s (1979) Poverty in the United Kingdom, Land conducted a qualitative study of large families containing a sample of 86 families with five or more dependent children living in London. Her study examined several aspects of life in large families including: income and budgeting; housing conditions; task-division within the home; the role of schools and social services; and attitudes towards family planning. She found that the main disadvantages of living in a large family (independent of family income) for children were: overcrowded living conditions, less parental attention, less opportunity to develop their own interests and a disadvantage in the education system. These drawbacks were magnified when poverty was an additional factor, which also introduced health
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Growing Up in Scotland: maternal mental health and its impact on child behaviour and development

Growing Up in Scotland: maternal mental health and its impact on child behaviour and development

health inequalities, emphasised the well-established and persistent damaging effects of low income and poverty on physical health and mental health. The report made it clear that the Government is committed to reducing “unfair and unjust inequalities in health”: the early years are identified by the Scottish Government as a priority area for action. A mentally healthy childhood can be a precursor to a healthy and productive adulthood. Children’s development can be affected by their socio-economic circumstances, but also by the emotional climate within the home. This can include the quality of relationships between a child’s parents, the supports that are available to a family and by the health and well-being of the child’s primary care-givers. Longitudinal evidence suggests that conduct problems in childhood are associated with a range of adverse outcomes in adulthood, including crime, substance abuse, poor mental health, and poor educational attainment. “Equally Well” noted that:
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Consumer Protection and Representation in an Independent Scotland: Options

Consumer Protection and Representation in an Independent Scotland: Options

While local authorities and COSLA are working to address these challenges, the current constitutional framework and the complexity of the consumer protection landscape constrain the Scottish Government’s ability to ensure a strategic and consistent approach is taken to addressing the problems identified in the Audit Scotland report. The Scottish Government has no locus to develop national standards for trading standards services in Scotland or to assist local authorities working together on enforcement issues. Constitutional change offers greater opportunity to address this complexity in Scotland, and there are positive examples of how trading standards can be delivered more efficiently and effectively, especially within a country of Scotland’s size. Further work with local government would be taken forward to identify solutions which better address these concerns.
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