"It's hard moving around all the time, when you are older in secondary school it’s harder to get new friends, ‘cause you get closer in secondary school than in primary school. I think I've picked the group of wrong people because I was like I've picked the naughty people because that's easy for you to fit in with ... " Excluded female student, aged 13 to 14 (Loizidou 2009) "… they could help me more, stop the people from bullying me but they didn't, and pupils kept bullying me... it was a chain reaction [...] kids were bullying me and basically I took things in my own hands because teachers weren't doing anything. So I just used to beat them up because they beat me up and teachers didn't like that, and I got suspended [...] they could just sit me down and talked to me. But they never did. Then they didn't like what they got after..." Excluded male student, aged 13 to 14 (Loizidou 2009)
Migrant children’s self-esteem was often rooted in an individual confidence, which they were most able to realise when pursuing goals, such as education: “I love to go to school and study ‘cause it’s the only thing that takes my mind off like problems I have in my life. Once I’m in the classroom, that’s me. Like every other problem is not in my head at that precise moment ‘cause I have to focus on getting that done, doing that… So other stuff in my head… That’s my comfort zone” (Sigona & Hughes, 2012). Despite the fact that many migrant children demonstrated surprising levels of self-esteem, it is important to acknowledge that, particularly for those awaiting status determination, their immigration status remained a defining and crippling feature of their identity. In the words of an Afghan boy seeking asylum, “…at the moment I am not a complete person. Only when I have documents can I say that I will be complete” (Sigona & Hughes, 2012). His statement reflects the reality that children subject to immigration control have a different legal identity than other children, and particularly where the government prioritises immigration control over child welfare, are often granted fewer rights and entitlements in practice. This imposes important practical restrictions on their lives as well as their identities. As a young Iraqi boy poignantly expressed:
The literature– particularly academic literature – is very limited. Whilst a number of recent studies have explored the subjectivewellbeing of children in criminal detention, very little qualitative research has been conducted with children in other forms of detention or detained for other purposes. In particular there is a distinct dearth of literature exploring the subjectivewellbeing of children in detention in mental health facilities. The limited research that has been conducted is quantitative and deductive in nature, and thus not best suited for capturing and exploring in-depth information about children’s subjectivewellbeing. Further it is notable that (with the exception, perhaps, of the User Voice research) the samples of children included in studies appear to comprise those who are the least vulnerable and least excluded within the population of detained children. Regardless of the type of institution in which they were being held, and the reasons for their detention, children considered themselves to have been “locked up” in “prison” for bad behaviour. Even for those children not part of the youth justice system, detention was regarded as a form of punishment, and associated with criminality and law enforcement.
Fear of being seen accessing services and insecurity about the confidentiality of the service also emerged as important barriers to young people’s ability to address and overcome mental health needs. Young people see trust and confidentiality as essential elements of service provision; whilst young people’s relationships with professionals vary, troublingly, many young people lack trust in mental health professionals, and feel misunderstood and unheard. Services are most helpful to children where they are participatory and children are given agency in decisions about their care. Mental illness is perceived by young people as attracting significant stigma, which in turns impacts on feelings of self-worth and self-esteem amongst children diagnosed as having a mental health need. Children with mental health needs tend to see themselves as different from other children, feel guilt and shame in relation to this difference, and aspire to normality. Children’s ‘self-stigma’ is often reinforced by the way they are perceived and treated by the people around them.
The recent reduction in the number of children in custody has not been used as an opportunity to invest into the best option in the most challenging circumstances for the very few children who do require a period in a secure environment. The YJB has instead decided to cut this sector further to save money in the short term. However, this will incur long term costs of unacceptably high reconviction rates, more crimes, more damage to children and higher long term financial costs to the public purse: an investment in little other than creating the adult criminals of tomorrow.
In the case of China, despite its rapid economic growth in recent years, inequality has been on the rise. Xie and Zhou (2014) estimate that China’s Gini coefficient increased from 0.30 in 1980 to 0.55 in 2002. Moreover, amidst the enormous success in economic performance, evidence suggests that happiness has decreased in China (Brockmann et al., 2009). Given China’s institutional framework, we ex ante lean more towards the relative deprivation effect, and thus expect a negative effect of income inequality on SWB. Particularly, considering how China’ s economy has been growing over the past few years, one would expect inequality effects consistent with the tunnel effect hypothesis. However, as evidence suggests, an overview of inequality over the past few decades suggests higher trends of income inequality in China. Accordingly, as predicted by the tunnel effect hypothesis when income disparities persist, inequality reverses to having a negative effect on wellbeing. Further, existing research has emphasised the strong influence of income comparison on SWB (Senik, 2009). Consistent with the relative deprivation hypothesis, Senik (2009) shows that income comparisons across different benchmarks and even one’s own past are very powerful in shaping welfare.
Sam was 13 years old and living between his mother and grandmother. The family had a history of non-engagement with the local authority and there were concerns about Sam being subjected to physical abuse. Sam had been excludedfrom his school, and the local authority spent some time considering boarding school as an option for him. However, the potential of a boarding school placement was complicated by the fact that Sam had low literacy and numeracy levels and the fact that the family resisted engaging with the local authority – a factor which the authority considered key to securing a successful placement. After a change in Sam’s social worker, however, some progress was subsequently made in gaining the support of Sam’s family for the option of a boarding school place. Two different schools were then approached to see if they would consider accepting Sam. In both cases, the schools felt that they would not be able to offer the academic support that he required. Since Sam had a particular interest in horticulture, a third school was considered which specialized in this subject. However, the location of the school meant that Sam would have been the only Black pupil at the school and there were no Black members of staff – factors which the local authority lead felt would have been too difficult for Sam to deal with. At the time our evaluation ended, after a breakdown in his family situation, Sam had moved to live with foster carers – a measure considered by the local authority to be a temporary one. A fourth boarding school with greater experience of working with young people with diverse needs had more recently been considered. However, the local authority lead was concerned that Sam’s learning and behavioural difficulties might mean that he would be unable to cope at the school and was reluctant to pursue the option without further careful consideration. At the time of the evaluation it appeared more likely that Sam would attend an EBD day school.
In order to address the first research question (How does the needs’ pattern of young children in receipt of Education Health and Care plans in England differ by local authority, type of education setting and diagnosis?), we focused our analyses on sections B (education needs), C (health needs), D (social care needs), and E (outcomes) of the EHC plans. Here, individual statements expressing needs of the children were extracted and mapped on to the ICF-CY classification system, following a procedure of deductive content analysis adopted previously in similar studies (Castro et al., 2014; Palikara et al., 2018a); however, only the chapter level was considered in this analysis, as the purpose was to obtain broad categories of need, to support the examination of differences between contexts. A statement was considered relevant when it expressed one need of the child; each need was coded individually. In order to enhance the trustworthiness of the coding, 20% of the outcomes analyzed were independently coded by a second researcher and final agreement obtained in those cases where coding differed. This proportion of outcomes was sufficient for obtaining high levels of agreement (90%). Statistical analyses were conducted with series of Poisson regression and negative binomial regression tests for examining differences in the likelihood of frequency of needs between local authorities, types of school (mainstream and special settings) and the type of diagnosis (ASD, SLC, and other). Poisson regression analysis was performed for those dependent variables in which all assumptions for running this test were met: mental functions needs [ratio mean/variance = 0.99], communication needs [ratio mean/variance = 0.91], interpersonal interaction needs [ratio mean/variance = 1.06], general tasks and demands needs [ratio mean/variance = 0.95], and neuromusculoskeletal needs [ratio mean/variance = 1.1]. Overdispersion was found for play and school participation needs [ratio mean/variance = 1.3], self-care [ratio mean/variance = 1.2], mobility [ratio mean/variance = 1.8], sensory functions [ratio mean/variance = 1.3] and learning and applying knowledge needs [ratio mean/variance = 1.3]; in these cases, negative binomial regression was used, as recommended by Cameron and Trivedi (1990) and Green (2003). Wald Chi-square statistics was chosen over likelihood ratio given the relatively small sample size.
Estimation results displayed in Table 9.2 present familiar patterns. Health is by far the most powerful input in the happiness production func- tion; unemployment is associated with quite severely depressed well- being; it is better to have a partner than to be single; most ethnic minorities are less satisfi ed than white British; well- being is lowest among the middle aged (the turning point in the quadratic relationship between happiness score and age is at age equals 38.05); the religious report themselves happier than others (consistent with Helliwell, 2003); income is a positive factor in determining well- being; and neighbourhood variables play a role (for example, living in an affl uent urban area is a negative predictor of well- being; given that the model holds income constant, this could refl ect either that satisfaction with income is infl uenced by levels of neighbours’ incomes or that high housing costs erode the amount of discretionary spending). There appears to be no diff erence in predicted happiness between those who hold diff erent levels of educational qualifi cation (sug- gesting that benefi ts from extra qualifi cations are only achieved through the income variable) but those with no educational qualifi cation at all are happier (income held constant).
It is widely recognised that abuse and neglect in the general population is under recorded making it difficult to make accurate comparisons with the youth justice system. However, evidence suggests that children and young people in the youth justice system are more lik to have experienced abuse and neglect. A report by the NSPCC (2000) indicated that a least 16% of the population had experienced some form of abuse or neglect, whereas studies on the prevalence of previous abuse and neglect among children and young people in custody estimate that anywhere between 33% and 92% have experienced some sort of maltreatment. 59 In 2008, a YJB report into accommodation needs said that two out of five boys and one out of five girls in custody had experienced violence in the home; the same report showed one in twenty boys and one in three girls reporting sexual abuse. 60 A study by
Our study provides evidence that negative subjectivewellbeing is associated with increased odds of drinking alcohol and engagement with sexual activity. While cause and effect cannot be extrapolated from cross-sec- tional surveys, the association between wellbeing and risk behaviours was incremental suggesting–as a mini- mum–that children with poor wellbeing are more likely to also encounter behavioural health risks. Generation of internationally recognised key indicators of poor child wellbeing, such as income and poverty, was precluded from this school-based study since children could not accurately record these data. Nevertheless, youth resili- ence, self-esteem, social- and school-connectedness are critical determinants of successful transition from child- hood into adulthood,[17-19] and the general and schoolwellbeing indicators we chose represent these themes
One of the effects of using the complex design and weighting is that standard errors for survey estimates are generally higher than the standard errors that would be derived from an unweighted simple random sample of the same size. The calculation of standard errors and comments on statistical significance has been included in the report, all of which have taken into account the clustering, stratification and weighting of the data.
Overall, more than two thirds of 5 to 19 year olds who accessed professional services for a mental health reason reported waiting less than ten weeks to see the specialist. This ranged from 65.2% of those who had contact with a physical health specialist, to 93.0% of those who had contacted teachers about mental health.
Many children and young people have some rituals or superstitions, e.g. not stepping on the cracks in the pavement, having to go through a special goodnight ritual, having to wear lucky clothes for exams, or needing a lucky mascot for school sports matches. It is also common for young people to go through phases when they seem obsessed by one particular subject or activity, e.g. cars, a pop group, a football team. But what we want to know is whether the child has any rituals or obsessions that go beyond this.
their family’s circumstances and would “buy in” to the resulting agreement in a way they might not if it were a “one size fits all” arrangement the court imposed. Mediation would not require experts or attorneys (except to make sure the agreement would withstand legal scrutiny and was fair, which could be after the conclusion of mediation) and therefore would be less expensive, preserving more family wealth for the children. Mediation would allow parents rather than their attorneys to voice what would be best for their families Brinig (1995) reviews the literature; as does Emery and Emery (2008). 2 Further, in litigated disputes, statutes requiring a “best interests of the child” test force judges to make the choice among parents given facts presented through parents’ lenses. Parents arguably are failing to (and in some cases cannot) put their children’s best interests first at this time (Cummings and Davies, 2010; Emery and Emery, 2008). See the opinion of the Court in Oak Grove Unified Sch. Dist. v. Newdow: 3
Our survey is the ﬁ rst study to demon- strate that a high proportion of parents report seeking medical evaluation in acute care settings when their children ’ s illnesses prevent attendance at child care. The potential impact of this type of health care-seeking behavior on health care resources may be substantial given the sheer number of children currently using child care services nationally. Reasons for seeking acute medical care for a child excludedfrom child care may be multifactorial, with ED/UC use higher among single- parent households, African American parents, parents concerned about job threats to their job or job-related in- come, and parents in need of a doctor ’ s note.
The source for this publication is the Early Years Census and School Census. All schools and all Private, Voluntary, and Independent (PVI) providers receiving government funding are required to make (through their local authority) a child-level return. These collections are on a statutory basis through legislation which helps ensure complete and accurate information being returned.
A second issue concerns the numbers of children with ASD. As stated in the introduction, the present study was modified to explore the ASD issue, partly because of the national concern regarding alleged increases in prevalence, and a possible link to MMR vaccine. Our study cannot comment on the latter, but does provide evidence that professionals concluded numbers of children designated as having ASD are increasing, and that many LEAs are using SSLD provision for them. Our interviews also throw some light on this suggested increase. What is apparent is that these professionals, all holding senior positions, have identified several different reasons. One is the issue discussed above, namely differential diagnosis. But this is extended by the suggestion that diagnostic practice has changed in some cases. That is, children are now being given the label ASD who will not have been so called in the past. This in turn reflects two different issues. Firstly, the term ASD is, correctly, different from traditional autism. ASD is intended to cover a wide group of children, whereas classic autism covered those at the centre of the three dimensions of ASD. In the case of ASD, children might receive this diagnosis located in any one of a large number of different points in a three dimensional space, with different degrees of severity in one, two or all three of the dimensions. Hence, an increase in number of children with ASD might reflect, in part, a valid use of a different diagnostic system (see also Charman, 2002 and Charman and Baird, 2002).
resolved by the end of the twentieth century. However the NICHD study has recently reported evidence that the quantity of non-maternal care is associated with problematic child behaviour. More time in non-maternal care across the first 4.5 years of life predicted more problem behaviour, particularly antisocial and aggressive behaviour at 4-5 years of age (NICHD, in press). These effects were partially mediated by quality of childcare, time spent in group care and maternal sensitivity, but quantity of childcare had a clear independent effect and quality of care had no separate main effect. Another study finding similar effects is Youngblade (2003) who finds that maternal employment in the first year of life is associated with behaviour problems for boys but not girls. A recent reanalysis of the NICHD data for 3- year-old European-American children reports that an effect for maternal employment in the first year of life upon behaviour problems may only be present where the quality of childcare is below average and not if it is above average (Brooks-Gunn, 2003). The possible importance of quality of care is supported also by some studies of the effects of childcare quality on the level of cortisol, an endocrine related to stress responses. In full-time day care cortisol levels tend to rise over the day, in contrast to the typical diurnal pattern. Increasing cortisol levels, indicative of increased stress, are more likely and larger as the quality of day care decreases (Dettling et al. 2000). Increased stress may lead to increased behaviour problems. The effects of time in non-parental care on behaviour problems has also been found in the results of a new longitudinal study of 17,000 childrenfrom 900 kindergartens in the USA (Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, ECLS-K). Analyses of data on these children at ages 5 and 7 show that greater amounts of childcare are associated with increased behaviour problems after controlling for demographic
have tended to become governed by society’s time schedules, with people steering back-to-back commit- ments of work and family, it is not surprising that time constraints emerged as an issue in this review. Although no studies in this review explore the use of smart mobile technology in the running of WSBs, it is suggested that tracking ability in smartphones could potentially offer parents of WSB users new temporal visibility of WSBs which could optimize fluidity across scheduling boundaries between the morning school run and work start times. Parents could track the posi- tion of the WSB on their smartphone and visualize the WSB’s current position and its predicted arrival time at their pickup point. This could make it more convenient for parents dropping their children off at the designated stop and enhance their time savings found to be a facilitator in these studies. In addition, tracking ability could enable them to see the WSB arriving at school and go some way to allay their safety concerns.