Top PDF Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2013/14

Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2013/14

Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2013/14

This Release aims to improve estimates of attainment levels by matching together datasets of school, further education and work-based learning awards to gain a complete picture of attainment. The Annual Population Survey (APS) is used to estimate highest qualification measures of the population in Wales, for example in the National Indicators. However, data for individual years of age and statistics for small age bands such as 19-21 from the APS can be subject to large margins of error due to small survey samples and mis-reporting of qualifications. To overcome these issues with survey data, this approach utilises administrative qualifications data, matching individual learner data together across datasets.
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Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2012/13

Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2012/13

This Statistical Release presents analysis obtained by matching together datasets of school, further education and work-based learning awards to gain a complete picture of attainment. This Release replaces the previous versions, providing two more recent years of data, but also replaces the data for earlier years. It includes information on level 2 attainment in English/Welsh and maths by the age of 19 for the first time. The statistics are still regarded as experimental, and we welcome any feedback on the approach. Further work on the methodology, and this analysis, will take place for a further update of this Release including data up to 2013/14 to be published later this year.
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Level 2 and 3 attainment by young people in England measured using matched administrative data: attainment by age 19 in 2014

Level 2 and 3 attainment by young people in England measured using matched administrative data: attainment by age 19 in 2014

accredited vocational qualifications counted and could be combined with each other and academic qualifications in order to reach the Level 2 or 3 threshold (i.e. the measures of 5+ A*-C or equivalent, and of 2+ A-levels or equivalent) . For this SFR vocational qualifications are not combined with each other or academic qualifications and are only counted as full if they have Guided Learning Hours (GLH) of at least 325 hours for Level 2 and 595 hours for Level 3. In 2013/14 changes were made to the performance tables and more information can be found here: Revised GCSE and equivalents results in England, 2013 to 2014. As well with the changes to the IGCSEs included (mentioned above) the main changes were
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Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2010/11

Educational attainment of young people by age 19, 2010/11

A review was undertaken in England as to whether the denominator should be the size of the cohort at age 14 in PLASC, or the mid year estimate of population (MYE) at age 14. It was decided that the size of the PLASC cohort at age 14 should be used and the same methodology has been used for Wales in this release. The benefits of this method include that the cohort size is fixed (once known) and is not revised, and these cohort sizes are census counts and not estimates. Further information can be found on p39-43 of National Statistics Quality review report 38 at http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/guide-method/method- quality/quality/quality-reviews/theme/children--education-and-skills/nsqr-38/index.html
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Trades-Related Post-Secondary Educational Attainment among Immigrant and Canadian-Born Young Adults in Alberta

Trades-Related Post-Secondary Educational Attainment among Immigrant and Canadian-Born Young Adults in Alberta

trades-related training. In contrast, significant effects of parental education are only seen for obtaining a university degree. Sample members from families where one or both parents had a degree were 3.32 times more likely to have obtained a university degree themselves by age 25. Table 4 (Model B) displays relative risk ratios once high school grades are added to Model A. In general, the odds ratios for the predictor variables examined in Model A change very little. For example, the odds of immigrant youth compared to Canadian-born youth attaining trades credentials, as compared to neither trades/university credentials, are almost unchanged (2.18 in Model B, compared to 2.14 in Model A). However, there is a sizeable decrease in the relative risk ratios (from 3.32 in Table 3 to 2.32 in Table 4) with respect to parental education’s effect on sample members having themselves acquired a university degree. The explanation is likely that young people whose parents were university-educated tend to obtain higher high school grades. In other words, some of the family SES effect on university attainment of children is being shared with the high school grades measure.
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Level 2 and 3 attainment by young people in England measured using matched administrative data : attainment by age 19 in 2012

Level 2 and 3 attainment by young people in England measured using matched administrative data : attainment by age 19 in 2012

The National Statistics Quality Review recommended that an adjustment is applied to the Level 2+ numerator to avoid double counting caused by migration (see section 3 of the Quality Review report for more information). Throughout the historical series people that have been recorded as having reached Level 3 but without having any Level 2 achievements were excluded from the Level 2+ numerator as they were assumed to be inward migrants i.e. people who were not in school at age 14. They are included in the Level 3 numerator. This methodology was refined slightly as from the SFR published in March 2010, and the historical series updated as a result. The adjustment is now only applied to those who enter the data post-16 (ie after year 11), and it is now applied to those reaching Level 2 through any Level 3 qualifications (not just a full Level 3) in the first year that they enter the data. So for example someone appearing in the data for the first time after year 11 who reaches Level 2 through the achievement of two AS levels has their Level 2 discounted.
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The Determinants of Educational Attainment

The Determinants of Educational Attainment

The chief new insight from Table 10 is that the schooling of parents and grandparents have a relatively weak e¤ect of the educational achievement of young men and women. In all cases, an additional year of educational achievement of grandparents has a smaller e¤ect than an additional year of educational achievement of parents. But even in the case of parents, an additional year of parental achievement by parents translates only into about one-…fth of an additional year of schooling by young adults in the case of Africans and Coloureds and only one-tenth in the case of Asians and Whites. Because of the rising proportion of household heads in the total as age increases, the regressions were run separately for the 15-19 and 20-24 age groups for people who were children or grandchildren in the household head. The coe¢cients on the educational achievement of the head were all some- what higher for the 20-24 age group than for the 15-19 age group, suggesting that part of the mechanism by which relatively high educational achievement is passed from one generation to the next is longer residence in the house- hold origin while higher levels of education are achieved. It is also possible that transmission e¤ects are stronger at the upper levels of the educational achievement spectrum. This hypothesis will be explored in the next section.
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The reformed system for children and young people with Special Educational Needs in England

The reformed system for children and young people with Special Educational Needs in England

When considering any reorganisation of provision that the LA considers to be reserved for pupils with special educational needs, including that which might lead to children being displaced, proposers will need to demonstrate how the proposed alternative arrangements are likely to lead to improvements in the standard, quality and/or range of educational provision for those children. Decision-makers should make clear how they are satisfied that this SEN improvement test has been met, including how they have taken account of parental or independent representations which question the proposer’s assessment. 35
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Income Sustainability through Educational Attainment

Income Sustainability through Educational Attainment

A quantitative comparative analysis was conducted for the years 1991–2010 on income, as it relates to educational attainment. The data was parsed by gender to further study the implications of educational attainment on income throughout the two decades. There were three interrelated purposes behind the research. The first was to examine the perceived value of higher education that currently guides millions of people in their decision to pursue a higher education in the United States. The second purpose of the research was to examine whether the gap in wealth between the lower and higher education levels was increasing. The third purpose was to measure the impact of the salary changes for female workers. This research adds to the body of scholarly knowledge by providing an analysis of the impact of educational attainment on the sustainability of income and real income growth, regardless of economic conditions.
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Educational Attainment and Economic Development in India

Educational Attainment and Economic Development in India

Educational attainment in the form of completing different levels of education is important for the type of employment secured. (Table 3). NSSO data reveals self-employment is more common amongst illiterates and less educated. Salaried jobs are common amongst skilled persons. What is interesting is the unemployment rate amongst the skilled persons. (Table 3). This highlights the quality dimension of Indian education. Persons with qualifications are often not employable because of poor quality of training. The low quality of education imparted in schools has been highlighted by Pratham, a non-governmental organization, which publishes a report based on a household survey of rural India. In 2014 it had reported, of all the children enrolled in Standard V, about half cannot read a Standard II text book. In Standard VIII, 75 percent of the students could read a Standard II book. The gap in reading levels between children enrolled in government schools and private schools appears to be growing. Only 25.3 percent of Class III children could do a two-digit subtraction, 26.1 percent of Class 5 children and 44.1percent of Class 8 students could do division.
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Educational attainment of looked after children

Educational attainment of looked after children

highlighted the need to improve the education of looked after children (HMIe and SWSI, 2001). Over the next two years training materials and guidance were issued to assist all those involved in the education of looked after children. Funding was provided for educational equipment and for pilot projects, and local authorities were asked to prioritise this issue. Attainment statistics remained low and few looked after children stay on at school. A Ministerial working group in 2005 commissioned further reports to identify „what works‟. This led to the 2007 report „We Can and Must Do Better‟ (Scottish Executive, 2007a). Training and information materials were revised, new guidance issued on subjects such as corporate parenting, the role of the designated senior manager and managing exclusions. The approach was broadened to consider health, care leavers and the home setting. The Looked After Children Strategic Implementation Group, set up by the Scottish Government in 2010, is now leading efforts to implement policy and deliver sustainable improvements in the outcomes for looked after children.
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Young people in Britain : the attitudes and experiences of 12 to 19 year olds

Young people in Britain : the attitudes and experiences of 12 to 19 year olds

There has been a marked change since we first asked this question in 1998, with young people now being less likely to view a job in purely financial terms than they were five years ago (in 1998, 55 per cent disagreed with the statement, compared with 72 per cent in 2003). While we only have two observations over time (and therefore should be wary of considering this a trend), it is worth reflecting that this change does mirror a debate in the literature about changing values in society, and how these affect views about employment. For example, it has been argued that we are moving from a focus on materialist values towards post-materialist values. When it comes to jobs, this implies a shift from maximising income towards interesting and meaningful work (Inglehart, in Russell 1998).
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Patterns of educational attainment in the British coalfields

Patterns of educational attainment in the British coalfields

The second question concerns changes in the population and economic status of the comparator areas over the last 10 years. The ACORN area profiles for these areas are based on data drawn from the 1991 Census. Clearly, selective in- and out-migration from these areas will have taken place since that date, as will new house building, demolition and conversion, as well as a variety of changes in economic activity. Some areas may have seen an influx of refugees and other immigrants over a relatively short space of time, while others might have become "gentrified" as more affluent people move into newly fashionable areas. Over time this could radically alter the make-up and characteristics of an area. However, one of the difficulties here is that there is a lack of timely and reliable small area data that would allow such changes to be tracked and assessed. Given that the same argument might be advanced for some of the coalfield areas, again the most appropriate course might be to assume that any such changes will have a tendency to balance out between the two types of area. The alternative would be to conduct extensive "ad hoc" investigations and consultations to check on possible changes - a task that would considerably delay progress with the study, and which was not part of the original specification for the study.
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The positive educational experiences of ‘looked after’ children and young people

The positive educational experiences of ‘looked after’ children and young people

variety of ways. However, after closer analysis he surmised that by answering in ways in which he initially perceived to be unhelpful, participants may have been demonstrating some control over the interviews. He goes on to suggest that these interviews were therefore only ‘unsuccessful’ when examined from his point of view. For the interviewee, on the other hand, they may have achieved their aim and communicated the message they aimed to communicate. There were certainly points during the interviews when I, as an interviewer, felt that things were not going to plan, and that conversations seemed to be moving in unexpected directions. However, similarly to McLeod’s descriptions, these tended to be at times when interviewees were taking control of the interview agenda. Thus it is suggested that the aim of the interviews, to elicit the views of the young people, was achieved to an extent. However, the tension between allowing young people to lead the interview agendas, and ensuring that they generated what I would consider to be ‘good data’, was present throughout the interview process.
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How do young people make choices at 14 and 16?

How do young people make choices at 14 and 16?

There was some evidence that a school’s geographical location also influenced young people, with those in more urban areas apparently less influenced by the local job market, a view shared by teachers (‘we are in a better area than most for employment opportunities’). Overall, however, there appeared to be a lack of knowledge about local job markets, even though there was a general perception that such information might be useful in the future. The lack of unprompted comments made by students suggests that this may not have been regularly covered in their careers education and guidance. Students admitted that they were just thinking about the next immediate step for them, which for most students was further education, rather than thinking about jobs they might apply for in the future. Many students said they had considered what career path they might take, but had evidently not considered the availability of jobs in that pathway and many confined their comments on work to part- time/Saturday jobs when asked about their thoughts on the labour market. However, in one rural case-study area, where employment opportunities were ‘extremely limited’ awareness of labour market issues appeared greater. There was a perception that students thought seasonal jobs were ‘low paid and demeaning’ and young people talked about moving away from the area in order to pursue career plans. Comments from students included, ‘I’m not really interested in the local job situation…I’ll be moving out of X anyway’ and ‘[knowing about the local labour market] isn’t really important to me as I plan to continue my studies outside X anyway’.
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Health Education in the educational field with young people in vulnerable situations

Health Education in the educational field with young people in vulnerable situations

Abstract. This article is part of an investigation carried out in Spain by the Spanish League of Education of public utility (2018) in which the difficulties, methodologies and good practices in Education for Health, within the educational field with young people in vulnerable situation are presented. A mixed, quantitative-qualitative methodology was applied in which 458 professionals from 97 Secondary Education centres were interviewed in 32 localities in five autonomous communities. One of the main findings of the research is the relationship established with certain variables and the curricular-transversal approach to health issues in schools: gender, age, position, subject taught and territory definitely influence this approach. Thus, teaching biology, physical education or ethics, occupying positions of orientation or direction, presenting an age higher than the average or being a woman is related to presenting a broader vision of health and making a curricular approach to it .
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Genetic Influence on Intergenerational Educational Attainment

Genetic Influence on Intergenerational Educational Attainment

Associations between GPSs and intergenerational attainment are likely to be mediated by many psycho- logical characteristics, all of which are under substantial genetic influence. The most obvious candidate is prior academic achievement, which greatly informs children’s decision to go on to A Levels. In the current analyses, after we adjusted GPSs for the children’s academic per- formance at age 16 (GCSE grades), the difference in mean GPS between the stably educated and down- wardly mobile groups was no longer significant, and neither was the difference in mean GPS between the stably uneducated and upwardly mobile groups. These results suggest that the effects of GPS on educational mobility are largely driven by children’s differences in prior academic performance. That said, the genetic effect of parents’ education level on children’s attain- ment remained. Future studies may explore other spe- cific psychological mechanisms that explain the association between DNA and intergenerational educa- tional attainment.
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Educational Attainment in Young Adulthood, Depressive Symptoms, and Race-ethnicity:  The Long-reach of Parenting Styles in Adolescence

Educational Attainment in Young Adulthood, Depressive Symptoms, and Race-ethnicity: The Long-reach of Parenting Styles in Adolescence

Although some authors (see e.g., Gelfand & Teti, 1990, or LaFrenière & Dumas, 1992) have speculated that permissive parenting leads to depressive symptomatology in children, that finding is not supported in this research. Consistent with what we found, Lamborn and her colleagues (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991) argued that permissive parent- ing was not associated with depressive symptomatology ini- tially because adolescents value self-reliance and the indepen- dent decision-making that is often associated with uninvolved parenting (see also Steinberg, Lamborn, Darling, Mounts, & Dornbusch, 1994). However, we cannot rule out that over time permissive parenting may be associated with depressive symp- toms as a consequence of bad decisions during adolescence and young adulthood. Future research should extend our study further into adulthood to more fully assess the relationship be- tween permissive parenting and depressive symptoms.
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Poverty, Attainment and Wellbeing : Making a Difference to the Lives of Children and Young People : Final Project Report

Poverty, Attainment and Wellbeing : Making a Difference to the Lives of Children and Young People : Final Project Report

[3, 16, 17]. A key priority is to further understanding of poverty and the impact that it has on children’s lives and to counter the myths and misconceptions which surround it, such as the assumption that parents living in poverty do not have aspirations for their children [18]. It requires a focus not only on practical solutions to alleviate and mitigate against the impact of poverty in children’s lives (such as exemplified through the ‘Cost of the School Day’ project) but a focus on ethos and culture within the school in order to tackle the stigma associated with poverty and develop empathy. Amongst all of the statistics, it is important to remember that it is ultimately about people – about communities, families and children and their experience of their lives in the here and now and in the future. How
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Mapping the European regional educational distribution: Educational attainment and inequality

Mapping the European regional educational distribution: Educational attainment and inequality

This paper has mapped, using ECHP data over 1995-2000, the European regional educational distribution. Several findings can be highlighted from the analysis. First of all, there are considerable differences in terms of educational attainment and inequality in Europe. European regions differ from one another with regard to the average and inequality in human capital endowment. Regional variations in educational attainment and inequality are shaped by three factors: proximity and linkages, North- South divide, and urban-rural divide. Regions surrounded by highly-educated areas tend to have a higher educational stock, as well as regions surrounded by high within-region educational inequality have higher levels of inequality. This denotes that the geographical distribution of education is not uniform as it is characterised by significant positive global spatial autocorrelation and space-time correlation. Not only the evolution of education within a region is closely related to its evolution in neighbouring regions, but also the spatial evolution of education affects the dynamic evolution of human capital. Education is geographically autocorrelated due to knowledge and skill diffusion, as well as to the guidelines for education systems and structures which are, as a general rule, set nationally. Hence, because of the spatial interactions between regions, the interregional linkages, geographical location and proximity are important in accounting for the human capital performance of regions. However, these spatial effects perform differently according to two regimes: the urban-rural pattern and the European North-South divide. There are systematic differences between urban and rural European regions and between northern and southern European regions. This shows that there are spatial limits to the spread of externalities, and that the diffusion of skills and knowledge will always be easier within groups of closely related economies (‘clubs’). Economies within a group (i.e. the group of northern European countries) interact more with one another than with those outside the group. Finally, educational patterns in the territory of the EU have not changed dramatically throughout the whole period of study, denoting persistence in patterns of educational attainment and inequality in specific regions.
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