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Evaluation of Teachers’ pay reform

Evaluation of Teachers’ pay reform

In terms of progression pathways, most case-study schools appeared to continue to link pay progression to (now reference) spine points. However, in keeping with the findings from the analysis of the School Workforce Census (see Chapter 7 and the supporting technical report) at least some schools appeared to have moved away from using reference spine points. Some schools enabled staff to put themselves forward for two- or three-point increments, whereas others allowed staff to apply to join the Upper Pay Range at any time, regardless of their experience or length of service. However, the majority of eligible staff in these schools were reported to be receiving an annual pay increase, though they had to provide the necessary evidence to justify receiving it. Some schools had changed their processes for identifying which staff were responsible for appraisals. For example, headteachers in two schools felt it was better if this was undertaken by someone who was not the individual’s line manager, to avoid concerns about bias. One headteacher explained:
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Evaluation of teachers' pay reform : final report, October 2017

Evaluation of teachers' pay reform : final report, October 2017

The follow-up interviews with headteachers, conducted in spring 2016, suggested that some refinements had been made to the types of evidence or the way evidence was used. For example, one headteacher had been asked to clarify the system for the awarding of points for CPD activities. The school had moved to a system whereby staff received two points for activities they led, and one for activities in which they participated. In another school, the headteacher was considering whether their school could lessen the amount of evidence that teachers who were consistently judged as outstanding, had to produce. At the time of interview, this was still work in progress, but the headteacher was keen to ‘take the burden away from them (outstanding teachers) and utilise them to help those who need support’.
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Evaluation of teachers' pay reform : final report, October 2017

Evaluation of teachers' pay reform : final report, October 2017

provides some suggestion that at least some schools relaxed pay-portability, and that the pay reforms may have led to an increase in movement to a lower reference spine point. This report cannot definitively say why this is occurring, but the change could be due to a range of reasons: from teachers using this increased flexibility to move to schools that are more desirable despite having lower pay, to teachers with lower effectiveness moving to less attractive schools. The change is most notable for teachers on the upper pay range, where 18.6% of teachers that moved in 2014-to-2015 moved to an equivalent role at a lower reference spine point. Again it should be noted that this could be an artefact of the changes to how the data is collected. This might suggest that teachers on this pay range are more likely to accept a lower salary for a better school match. It is important to note that this change affects a small proportion of teachers overall, equivalent to less than 1% of all teachers.
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Evaluation of teachers' pay reform : final report, October 2017

Evaluation of teachers' pay reform : final report, October 2017

Springer, M. G., Pane, J. F., Le, V., McCaffrey, D. F., Burns, S. F. and Hamilton, L. S., (2012). ‘Team pay for performance: Experimental evidence from the Round Rock Pilot Project on team incentives’. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 34(4), 367–390. Winters, M., Greene, J.P., Ritter, G. and Marsh, R. (2008). The Effect of Performance- Pay in Little Rock, Arkansas on Student Achievement (National Center on Performance Incentives Working Paper 2008-02) [online]. Available:

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Evaluation of Teachers’ pay reform

Evaluation of Teachers’ pay reform

are not required to follow the national pay terms and conditions and were, therefore, not required to implement the pay reforms, though they may choose to do so. The effect of the reforms to teachers’ and leaders’ pay must be considered carefully alongside the public sector pay freeze, which affected pay in 2011 and 2012, and recommendations made by the School Teachers’ Review Body (STRB) for the adjustments made to pay ranges for classroom teachers and leaders that coincided with the reforms. The recommendations were for all teachers in post on or after 1 September 2013 in LA
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Evaluation of Teachers’ pay reform

Evaluation of Teachers’ pay reform

provides some suggestion that at least some schools relaxed pay-portability, and that the pay reforms may have led to an increase in movement to a lower reference spine point. This report cannot definitively say why this is occurring, but the change could be due to a range of reasons: from teachers using this increased flexibility to move to schools that are more desirable despite having lower pay, to teachers with lower effectiveness moving to less attractive schools. The change is most notable for teachers on the upper pay range, where 18.6% of teachers that moved in 2014-to-2015 moved to an equivalent role at a lower reference spine point. Again it should be noted that this could be an artefact of the changes to how the data is collected. This might suggest that teachers on this pay range are more likely to accept a lower salary for a better school match. It is important to note that this change affects a small proportion of teachers overall, equivalent to less than 1% of all teachers.
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Teachers’, leaders’ and governors’ views on the pay framework

Teachers’, leaders’ and governors’ views on the pay framework

whether they would be rewarded appropriately for the quality of their teaching (O’Beirne and Pyle, 2014; Marsden, 2015). However, a recent evaluation of teacherspay reform for DfE (Sharp et. al., 2017) indicated that that two thirds (66 per cent) of teachers felt they understood their school’s pay policy following reform. The majority of teachers were also found to hold positive attitudes towards their school’s pay policy, with over half of teachers agreeing that: it treated all staff equally without favouritism (60 per cent); was easy to understand (57 per cent); and was applied consistently (52 per cent) (Sharp et. al., 2017). The study, however, did find that fewer teachers were convinced of the motivational nature of their school’s pay policy, with only about a third (34 per cent) agreeing that the pay policy had resulted in a fair allocation of pay within the school; and some two-thirds felt that it had added to their workload (Sharp et. al., 2017).
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Evaluation and Recommendations on Merit Pay in Compulsory. Education Schools

Evaluation and Recommendations on Merit Pay in Compulsory. Education Schools

It is clearly stipulated in The Guidelines on Merit Pay in Compulsory Education Schools that “the proportion of students entering schools of a higher grade shall not be put as an indicator”. But it is ideal to appraise the performance of teachers without considering the proportion. After all, according to China’s present national conditions, the proportion of students entering schools of a higher grade is still the most important indicator of a school’s teaching quality. We can take the proportion as one of the appraisal indicators, comprehensively consider the ratio and guide the teachers to put efforts on the implementation of quality education and raise the grades of students.
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Retention and Satisfaction of Novice Teachers: Lessons from a School Reform Model

Retention and Satisfaction of Novice Teachers: Lessons from a School Reform Model

Analyses of teacher qualifications and turnover were based on 2009–2010 and 2010–2011 Licensure-Salary Pay Snapshots data collected by NCDPI and obtained from the North Carolina Education Research Data Center at Duke University. The Licensure-Salary Pay Snapshots data file includes records for school personnel in certified positions (i.e., teachers, counselors, and principals) and provides information about their education level, years of experience, and type of teaching license. Here, novice teachers are those with fewer than 4 years of teaching experience, whether or not they are fully licensed. Teachers who are not fully licensed are those who have an emergency, provisional, or temporary license, regardless of their years of experience. Fully licensed teachers are those who have met all requirements set by the State Board of Education, and who have a clear initial license (for new teachers) or clear continuing license (for those with at least four years of experience). Because some teachers are licensed in multiple areas, we retained the license with the most deficiencies to be satisfied before becoming an initial or continuing license; that is, someone who is not fully licensed in any area would not count as being fully licensed. This method for categorizing licenses is the same approach that NCDPI uses to produce the North Carolina School Report Cards (North Carolina Department of Public Instruction, 2010), which provide annual summary information about individual schools.
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Job evaluation and pay equity : stakes and methods

Job evaluation and pay equity : stakes and methods

7 over the ensuing twenty years: in 1999, US statistics showed that women represented 84% of primary schools teachers and men, 93% of mechanics. The median weekly wage for teachers was $697 compared to $1041 for mechanics (Levine, 2003). In France, Lemière and Silvera highlighted similar wage differentials between jobs with comparable requirements and working conditions, namely nurses versus chief of maintenance in hospitals (2010). Citing a large number of statistics, Chicha (2006) sums up the situation as follows: “There is a close match between female or male predominance and pay levels. Generally speaking, both in the labor market and in organizations, the most poorly paid occupations are those where women predominate, while the better paid are those where men prevail”. Research has highlighted that m en who work in “female” occupations receive lower wages than men who work in male-dominated occupations (Lofström, 1999). It has also been shown (but not all economists agree on this, cf. Levine 2003) that the feminization of an occupation has a depreciative effect on the wages of that occupation (England, 1999:3).
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Evaluating the Impact of Performance-related Pay for Teachers in England.

Evaluating the Impact of Performance-related Pay for Teachers in England.

Improving education outcomes is a key priority for governments around the world. The accumulating evidence suggests poor returns from simply raising school resources 1 , so attention has turned to other mechanisms such as school choice, and incentives for teachers. Hanushek (2003) highlights these: “The alternative set of potential policies emphasizes performance incentives.” (p. F93), but goes on to note that there is very little robust evidence yet on the impact of such incentives (p. F94). In this paper we start to plug that gap. In 1999, the UK government introduced a performance- related pay policy for teachers, with pupil progress (value -added) as one of its key criteria. Using longitudinal teacher-level data and a difference-in-difference research design, we provide a quantitative evaluation of the policy’s impact on test score gains.
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Reform in Biology Education: Teachers' Implementation of a New Biology Curriculum

Reform in Biology Education: Teachers' Implementation of a New Biology Curriculum

Project 2061. However, the NSES went beyond these earlier reform documents by detailing standards for systemic reforms in pedagogy, teacher education, professional development, assessment, and support that might allow the content standards or benchmarks to be achieved. Although the NSES do not use the word constructivism, they clearly call for inquiry-based classrooms in which students actively construct meaning from experiences rather than taking a more passive view of the learner. In response to the calls for reform, new science curricula have been and continue to be developed. One of these new curricula, developed with a $2.3 million National Science Foundation (NSF) grant (Leonard et al., 1996; Leonard, Speziale, & Penick, 2001), is Biology: A Community Context (BACC) (Leonard & Penick, 1998). In an evaluation study of BACC, students in BACC classes with teachers who received extensive training in using this curriculum showed improvement in achievement and attitudes towards science (Leonard et al., 2001). However, the design of a new curriculum and documentation of its effectiveness are just first steps in a long process which might eventually lead to widespread changes in classroom practices. Even after a new curriculum has been adopted by a teacher, school, or district, there are many factors which affect how the new curriculum is used. Therefore to plan the use of new curricula so that they will contribute effectively to the desired reforms in science education, it is necessary to study the issues that arise in implementation.
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Performance Pay for Teachers: A Comparative Multi-Case Study

Performance Pay for Teachers: A Comparative Multi-Case Study

On the other end of the spectrum, Zach, a high school Agriculture teacher held nothing back when he talked about how using student test scores for one of the factors that influences their performance pay stated, “They (students) could really screw us if they had any idea about the test score part.” Solomon (2005) described evaluation criteria for performance pay as not being fair if the teachers do not understand how student test scores are converted into value-added numbers. Along with the secretive nature of the value-added score calculations and referring back to the theoretical framework, a principal-agent dilemma occurs when the performance pay of the teacher is based on the test scores of students that they may have limited influence on or in fact do not have in class at all, but may earn performance pay for their test scores. This occurs when school-wide scores are determined by a few core teachers, an example made clear by Samantha, a fourth-grade reading teacher who commented, “The finger points at me, as our fourth-grade reading scores are what determines the campus score.”
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Being professional: accountability and authority in teachers' responses to science curriculum reform

Being professional: accountability and authority in teachers' responses to science curriculum reform

One approach to supporting the development of such research studies is to make them an integral part of all curriculum development programmes. There is a significant investment of time and resources in science curriculum development programmes worldwide. However, it is striking how few of these programmes include a significant research component. For example, in the US since the 1980s the NSF has funded many large-scale curriculum development programmes within its Systemic Initiatives, often including significant professional development activities (Kahle, 2007, Lawrenz and Desjardins, 2012, Huffman and Lawrenz, 2004). However, in her review Kahle states that little research on these Systemic Initiatives has been published (p928) 2 . Although many of these NSF programmes included substantial evaluation activities, these were often conducted by state departments of education or private groups, typically outside of universities. Lawrenz and Desjardins
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The merit of teacher pay reform

The merit of teacher pay reform

Change is also difficult in workplaces where not all staff support the reform. Schools can exist within a hostile industrial relations environment, and up to 30 per cent of teachers oppose performance pay. Those teachers are predominantly older and more experienced staff. Their opposition may arise because they have the most to lose from the change. Previously, the pay spine rewarded years of service, yet young teachers often perform at very close to the level of highly experienced teachers. Tying pay to performance would disproportionately benefit those excellent, young teachers, relative to current salaries.
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An evaluation of child protection reform in Israel

An evaluation of child protection reform in Israel

children) which represents the general population in Israel 82 (The Central Bureau of Statistics 2013). The study’s sample had a high proportion of single mother families. Only 2 families in the study were of married parents. In 1 case where a divorced father had custody over the children the couple were living together, and in another case of a divorced couple the older daughter was living with the father separately. 4 mothers (including 2 mothers who eventually were not interviewed) were diagnosed with mental illness and 1 mother also had substance dependency problems and was undergoing rehabilitation treatment. Over half the parent interviewees were immigrants, yet not new comers: 10 were born in the former Soviet Union countries, and 3 others in Romania, France and Ethiopia. The majority arrived in Israel during the 1990s waves of mass immigration; 1 in 2000; and 2 parents during the 1970s. Overall parents were fairly educated, most had secondary level education (between 9 to 12 years of education), 6 had additional occupational qualifications and 3 had higher education. Parents were primarily employed; in only 6 families was the head of the household unemployed. As mentioned in Chapter 3 the current state of affairs in Israel today is that employment doesn’t secure freedom from poverty. Parents’ accounts in interviews and committees revealed that financial hardship was a shared problem for all families; while in 9 families economic deprivation was particularly acute and resulted in poor housing conditions. For example, 2 mothers voiced their fear of being put on the street since they could not pay their rent; cases of children not having enough food, clothes or a bed of their own were also reported. The fact that, as mentioned in Chapter 5, there was a clear failing of social workers to fully investigate and provide evidence of families’ financial situation, or even use terms such as ‘poor’ or ‘poverty’, although this was obviously the reality of several families, is used more generally to support the argument regarding SSDs’ failure to address this prevalent problem. What was shown through the PIECs is a systematic tendency to disregard
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Teachers’ Standards, appraisal regulations and pay reform : research report

Teachers’ Standards, appraisal regulations and pay reform : research report

This section examines the extent to which teachers’ performance has been assessed against the new standards and their views on whether appraisal outcomes provide a fair basis for recommendations about pay. Teachers’ perceptions of the impact that the arrangements have had on identifying and tackling underperformance are also explored. These questions were routed only to those respondents teaching at a school maintained by the Local Authority (this does not include academies or free schools).

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Unions, Performance-Related Pay and Procedural Justice: the Case of Classroom Teachers

Unions, Performance-Related Pay and Procedural Justice: the Case of Classroom Teachers

We reject this interpretation for three reasons. First of all, our interest has been in what might be called an emergent strategy. This is not necessarily one that the parties recognized at the outset, but as the experience with PRP has progressed, unions have developed new capabilities to serve their members. This has been the first full-blooded experience of the classroom teachers’ unions and classroom teachers’ managers with the type of performance management and performance pay systems which have spread rapidly across the public sectors of advanced industrial countries (OECD 2004). Such pay systems pose a new set of problems for unions and for management because of the increased management discretion in their administration, and out of these new challenges, one can observe new responses. In fact, in this paper, we have examples of both traditional and new responses to PRP. The traditional union response to attempts by management to increase its discretion over pay is to seek to rein it in by means of fixed and objective rules. This happened with older payment-by-results schemes. Elements of this can be seen in the NUT’s proposals for rewarding senior classroom teachers. It stressed that these should be tied to the demands of the job, in the form of extra responsibilities, for example. In contrast, the NASUWT and the PAT have stressed the need to reward qualities and expertise of the teachers themselves, albeit by a process of evaluation similar to that for promotion. This is taking a step towards giving management greater scope to reward variations in teacher quality, albeit in a way that seeks to make it fair. Thus both approaches have been present in the way the unions have responded to the new pay system.
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Does Sensationalism Affect Executive Compensation? Evidence from Pay Ratio Disclosure Reform

Does Sensationalism Affect Executive Compensation? Evidence from Pay Ratio Disclosure Reform

In our setting, the managerial power hypothesis suggests that the current level of CEO compensation is excessive and requires government intervention. If median employee compensation serves as a reasonable benchmark against CEO compensation, then the pay ratio disclosure enables shareholders to better assess the appropriate level of CEO pay. In advocating for the final passage of the pay ratio, a letter to the SEC from influential members of the Democratic Party noted, “…investors should have this information to help them evaluate whether this is value creation or simply value capture by insiders.” Furthermore, since the pay ratio reveals the pay disparity between the CEO and remaining employees, it may also arouse public outrage against income inequality. Public outrage can influence board members who are concerned with reputational costs and public image, leading them to reduce CEO compensation in response (Bebchuk and Fried, 2003). Consistent with the argument, previous studies suggest that there is a negative association between political pressure and executive compensation (Joskow, Rose, and Wolfram, 1996; Johnson et al. 1997).
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Environmental fiscal reform and willingness to pay for the environment: an empirical analysis on European micro data

Environmental fiscal reform and willingness to pay for the environment: an empirical analysis on European micro data

5 management of water (taxes on ground water) and waste (landfill tax) (Eurostat 2010) 3 , (fig.1). The difference between simple environmental taxes and environmental taxes as part of a fiscal reform is the revenue recycling system. Revenues can be allocated in advance to finance specific environmental programmes (e.g., environmental funds, environmental projects, R&D activities) or can be used to compensate some of those most affected by the tax (Dresner et al. 2006). However the nature of the so called “tax shift” is conditioned by the main aim of the reform, which can differ from country to country. Examples are: the reduction of personal income taxes in Sweden; the reduction of the general tax revenues in Finland; the improvement of environmental protection and the achievement of employment’ objectives in Germany (Speck et al. 2011, in Ekins and Speck 2011). In practice then, depending on the aim of the reform, the shift will take place between environmental taxes and Personal Income tax (PIT), Social security contribution (SSC) or corporation taxes (tab. 1).
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