Waltham Forest Solihull North Somerset Isle of Wight* Cornwall Norfolk Wigan Newham North Lincolnshire Herefordshire Nottinghamshire Brent East Sussex Staffordshire Northumberland Richmond upon Thames* West Sussex Wokingham* Oxfordshire Hartlepool* Surrey Rotherham Bath and North East Somerset Sandwell Somerset Central Bedfordshire Shropshire Havering Derbyshire Calderdale Kensington and Chelsea* Suffolk South Gloucestershire Gateshead* Warwickshire Cambridgeshire Hackney Cheshire East Lewisham Devon East Riding of Yorkshire Sefton Camden* Lancashire Tameside Rochdale Dorset Leicestershire Wiltshire Durham Barnsley North Tyneside Greenwich Luton Hertfordshire Essex Stockport Croydon Southwark Cumbria North Yorkshire Hounslow Brighton and Hove* Haringey West Berkshire Bournemouth Northamptonshire Manchester Ealing Leicester Dudley Redcar and Cleveland Telford and Wrekin Peterborough Wolverhampton Figure 3.5: Socialselection by FSM eligibility, by local authority, Key Stage 4, 2015
Religious institutions have played a major role in providing education in England for many centuries. The first known schools in England, founded in the late sixth century, were linked with cathedrals and monasteries in order to provide an education for boys who were to become monks and priests. Religious institutions became particularly prominent in education provision from the sixteenth century until a state system of education emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period, a number of different Christian denominations began to establish schools and various co-ordinating committees were formed to oversee this work. These include the Royal Lancastrian Society, established in 1808 by a group of Quakers in order to set up schools providing a Christian education for children from poor families. Very shortly after, the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church in England and Wales was formed in 1811; its leaders hoped to ensure that every parish in England and Wales had its own school. The Catholic Poor School Committee subsequently emerged in the 1840s. 5
It is important to remember, however, the evidence we have is based on the existing selective school system, not the model we are proposing for the future system. We recognise that selective schools currently admit too few disadvantaged pupils and we want to look at how we can improve this. We are consulting on options for a new schools system, which will also make sure selective schools support non-selective education in their area to further support increased social mobility.  Atkinson, Gregg and McConnell (2004) The results of 11 Plus selection: an investigation into equity and efficiency of outcomes for pupils in selective LEAs, by Bristol University.
form the focus of the autonomy and choice literature in the UK. Clark (2009) identifies positive and significant gains to pupilperformance of GM school attendance, when comparing GM schools to schools that narrowly missed out on GM conversion. Allen (2010) correspondingly identifies short- term benefits of GM attendance; however, both authors acknowledge that improved pupil intake and a reduction in socially disadvantaged pupils following conversion may drive these results. More able pupils may therefore be attracted to more autonomous schools; Eyles and Machin (2015) find evidence for this when analysing secondary academy schools, whilst Gibbons and Silva (2011) similarly identify that more able pupils are more likely to attend more autonomous faith primary schools. Such schools are found to offer no advantages, in terms of pupilperformance, relative to less autonomous LEA controlled primary schools. Choice and competition in primary education is however, found to provide positive performance gains for primary schools with autonomous governance (Gibbons et al. 2008). Evidence from outside of the UK, from the US and Sweden, where charter schools and free schools benefit from greater levels of autonomy, suggests that greater school autonomy and choice is beneficial for pupilperformance (Abdulkadiroglu et al. 2011; Hoxby and Muraka, 2009; Angrist et al. 2010; Böhlmark and Lindahl, 2012).
Column (3) introduces the school and pupil level controls detailed in Appendix Table 9 alongside postcode-of-residence fixed effects. This gives us a much smaller sample (since we need multiple school types per postcode) 14 . In this case, we are comparing neighbouring pupils (i.e. pupils from the same postcode) with similar characteristics, but attending different Primary school types; this attenuates the gap between Secular, non-autonomous schools and other school types still further – in fact we find no evidence of an advantage for pupils in Faithschools over Secular schools when these schools do not have autonomy over their own admissions. However, pupils emerge with a slightly average higher level of attainment from autonomous schools – both Faith and Secular – than they do from schools that are more closely controlled by the Local Education Authority. One must suspect that this advantage is at least in part to do with selection on pupil characteristics that are correlated with progress between ages 7 and 11, but which we are not able to observe. However, we cannot rule out the possibility that there are real advantages in the more autonomous governance structures of Voluntary Aided and Foundation schools that fall in this school category.
We provide estimates for the effect of attending a Faith school on educational achievement using a census of primary school pupils in England. We argue that there are no credible instruments for Faith school attendance in this context. Instead, we partially control for selection into religious schooling by tracking pupils over time and comparing attainments of students who exhibit different levels of commitment to religious education through their choice of secondary school and residence. Using this approach, we find only a small advantage from Faith primary schooling, worth about 1 percentile on age-11 test scores. Moreover, this is linked to autonomous admissions and governance arrangements, and not to religious character of the schools. We then go on to show that our estimates vary substantially across pupil subgroups that exhibit different levels of sorting on observable characteristics into Faith schooling, and provide bounds on what the ‘Faith school effect’ would be in the absence of sorting and selection. Pupils with a high degree of observable- sorting into Faithschools have an age-11 test score advantage of up to 2.7 percentiles. On the other hand, pupils showing a very low degree of sorting on observables have zero or negative gains. It appears that most of the apparent advantage of Faith school education in England can be explained by differences between the pupils who attend these schools and those who do not.
An explicit assumption made by some critics of faithschools is that mixing of children from diverse backgrounds is an effective antidote to racism and intolerance. This assumption, known to psychologists as ‘the contact hypothesis’ (Short 2002), may nevertheless be seen as incompatible witha body of research that has exposed racist and intolerant activity in mixed primary schools in general (Troyna and Hatcher 1992) and has documented particularly extreme cases of it. A key reference point is an incident at Burnage School in Manchester, where in 1986 Ahmed Ullah, an Asian teenager, was murdered by a white racist pupil. Evidence of this kind demonstrates that contact per se cannot be relied upon to diminish prejudice, a lesson that has been available to educationalists and policy makers since Horowitz’s (1936) pioneering studies of children and race in the United States. He found that sixth grade white boys attending an all-white school in New York showed the same level of prejudice as those attending an integrated school in the city despite, presumably, fewer opportunities for interracial contact. This and other research has prompted psychologists over the past half-century to condemn the early version of the contact hypothesis as naive and misleading. Consequently, Ashraf (1990) and Short (2002) have been seen as advocates of Gordon Allport’s (1954) groundbreaking work on the social psychology of racism, discovering that one of the most effective ways to impart knowledge about people different from oneself is through academic teaching in schools rather than the naive laissez-faire approach which assumes that mere exposure and contact with ‘difference’ will resolve prejudices. As one way forward, Shabir Akhtar (1992) has encouraged a type of ‘delayed assimilation’ which states that:
On the other hand, Sammels (2011) suggest two major through processes when assigning homework effectively and these are utilization and automaticity. Unitization is when the learner is putting the skills together slowly sometimes with errors but guided by set principles and automatically is when the learner has no longer to think through each step but instead displays confidence and ability to apply and synthesise events and circumstances. According to Kadodo (2013) in order to make homework effective pupils should be taught to challenge, construct and reconstruct knowledge so as to obtain the essence of meaning required for effective functioning. Sammels (2009) suggests that work should be assigned to the pupils and not to their siblings, parents or classmates. As Child (2013) posits, aspirations of the teacher should be to lead pupils to do the work on their own and get assistance at home from parents, peers and siblings; and not parents and others to do the homework for them thus in giving homework the characteristics of the individual pupils should be considered. These include age, school history, social, economic background, community culture and the pupils’ performance (Child, 2013). Nyoni (2012) advises that homework must be planned properly, should be stimulating, challenging and exciting and teachers should also mark, give feedback for the homework to be useful and beneficial. Farrant (1980) posits that homework helps to provide a conscious and tangible link between home and school. The teacher should be able to sincerely provide homework which the pupils work on whilst at home under the guidance of their parents or other relatives.
Examination results for faithschools are somewhat better, on average, than those for non-faithschools. For instance in 2013 64% of pupils in mainstream state funded faithschools achieve five or more grades at A*-C including English and Maths compared to 60% of pupils at state non-faithschools. However, pupil intake differs between in faith and non-faithschools, both background characteristics (such as free school meal eligibility) and their prior attainment, so headline results may not give us the most meaningful comparisons. The table below summarises a range of 2013 secondary performance data for faith and non-faithschools and gives some background data on intake.
The maintained primary and secondary school data in the Pupils’ Attendance Record is made up of pupil-level attendance data collected electronically from schools, care of their local authority (LA). Data are collected from maintained secondary schools after the late May bank holiday, and data are collected from maintained primary schools in the September following the academic year. PLASC is an annual census, carried out in January, which collects information about pupils in maintained schools. Both collections are carried out by the Statistical Directorate within the Welsh Government.
Against this background, the major determinant in shaping the current provision of faithschools within the state-maintained sector was provided by the Education Act 1944 (Dent, 1947). This Act acknowledged the Churches’ historic investment in schools, but also recognised that the Churches were in no position to bring all these schools up to a required standard for post-war educational reconstruction. The ingenious compromise solution of the Education Act 1944 was to ensure that the Churches had a statutory role in shaping religious education throughout the whole state maintained system and to offer the Churches a choice between two different futures for their voluntary church schools. Voluntary schools were individually given the choice between ‘aided’ or ‘controlled’ status. This choice enabled schools which could afford to retain a high level of independence to do so (aided status), while those that either could not afford or did not desire to retain such a high level of independence could nevertheless retain something of their church-related character (controlled status).
opportunity to tell their own stories – and this might in some measure stem the downturn in attitude towards RE that takes place between Year 9 and Year 10. A ‘problem-posing’ RE that is more participatory, transformative and dialogical and less content-based could easily be developed and evaluated for upper-secondary RE students through the suggestions of this research. This study is not recommending that fixed syllabuses be rejected, but that in assessment of effectiveness of teaching and learning of RE, the way syllabuses are interpreted and pupil response to this should be factored into the equation of quality. To this end, the present study recommends possible ways forward through increased inclusion of home tradition (valuing of prayer and home nurture) in RE, more church visits, debate and computers – together with offering a practical means of evaluation.
One of the most significant developments within English education over the last decade has been the expansion of specialist schools as a means by which to promote diversity and drive improvement. While much research has examined the impact of specialist schools on outcomes such as attainment, little attention has been paid to the schools’ demographic compositions or their potential for exacerbating segregation. Gorard and Taylor (2001) reported that specialist schools admitted proportionally fewer children from deprived backgrounds over time. Building on their work, this paper uses data from the Pupil Level Annual School Census and the Index of Multiple Deprivation to examine changing intakes of specialist and non-specialist schools between 2001/2 and 2004/5. Trends in segregation were not significantly associated with the presence or otherwise of specialist status in a school. However, they were significantly associated with Foundation status and the presence of strong and/ or improving examination results. Such schools drew more ‘privileged’ intakes over time.
A formal policy against homophobic bullying is of course no guarantee that the school culture will be an accepting one for queer students, but Isabelle went on to comment that there were three ‘out’ bisexual pupils in her year alone – a number which she felt was larger than might be expected, and was perhaps related to the overall non-discriminatory ethos of the school (‘…There was no homophobia, which was nice…’). James (17) also described his school as accepting, where although he himself wasn’t ‘out’ (due to being unsure about his identity), his best friend was. Indeed, since moving onto sixth-form college, James has maintained links with his old high school, and has recently disclosed his relationship status to a former teacher (‘…and the member of staff who runs that [debating society] is asking me what’s gone on and what’s new with me and I said, “Well I’m in a relationship and it’s great”’). A few other participants who attended faithschools also described supportive relationships with teachers. Perhaps surprisingly, it was Claire’s (24) RE teacher at her Catholic high school who provided her with affirmation with regards her sexuality:
Conclusion: International studies reveal that there is no single factor associated with successful learning and no single motivational theory that is applicable universally. In order to attain motivation, all the politicians, schools teachers, parents and local communities should work in coordination and cooperation and bring in a learning culture as it is successfully done to a large extent in countries like France, Germany, Japan, South Korea and Sweden.(OECD,2000)Though all the above stated factors matter, the role of the teacher seems to be the most influential. As Brophy (1989) rightly points out that when the right things are taught the right way, motivation takes care of itself. The teacher should wisely develop the ideal motivational states in the classroom. Instead of a general motivational approach the teacher should individualise and cater to the differences in each student’s motivational patterns. Research shows that students whose parents and teachers are autonomy supportive showed better conceptual learning and greater enjoyment, they were also more intrinsically motivated which in turn helped them to engage in self regulated learning and sustained motivation. currently research is undertaken on the ways to improve intrinsic motivation and self regulated learning among the pupils in these changing times, as some of the teachers consider it a challenge to motivate students now a days. Teachers have a vast knowledge base of motivational research and theories, they have a wide range of choices, and they have to make wise, powerful strategic decisions so that the selected motivational strategies are effective.
In each case, we invited the group to take us on a tour of their school pointing out features that they either liked or disliked. We were shown the schools through the eyes of the pupils. The experience proved both compelling and surprising. We used the results to construct an internet questionnaire that asked in various ways for pupils’ perceived satisfaction with aspects of their school’s facilities and their perceptions of the importance of these. We also invited responses to five open-ended questions. The researchers’ primary goal was to construct a shorter research instrument intended for wider use and the report explains how we have used factor analysis to achieve that end. A study of only two schools cannot be conclusive about links between facilities (design and condition of physical space) and educational achievement but the common observations and the differences do contain pointers towards such an end. There is a hint in GCSE results of an improvement in the new school. Pupils there described it as like an adult facility whereas those in School 1 spoke of it being harder to feel like trying in such poor space. Going all day without using the terrible toilets can hardly be conducive to learning. The importance of social learning space is confirmed. Both groups emphasised the importance of, and the lack of, ‘networking’ space. In the surveys, spaces are rated as at least as important as classrooms. We were shown the impromptu use of stairwells and corridors, and in one case space under an entrance bridge, as all there was. Pupils at both schools were critical of the fact that
Instrumental variables technique. If the dependent and at least one of the explanatory variables cause each other (known as endogeneity bias), standard linear regression models would produce estimates that are inconsistent and biased. If it is possible to find a variable that is correlated with the explanatory variable (conditioning on the other explanatory variables) that is caused by the dependent variable (endogenous regressor), and not correlated with the dependent variable, then we can use it as an instrument in the estimation to produce consistent estimates. In this chapter, we use the leave-out share of the students that attend a faith-based school in the primary sampling unit as an instrument of the school choice as an explanatory variable for student perform- ance. We believe the leave-out share is correlated with school choice because it is an indication of the density of faith-based schools in the vicinity of the house- hold, although it is unlikely to be correlated with learning outcomes beyond the fact that it affects the likelihood of going to a specific type of school.
Table 3.1 gives an overview of the events that led up to the young person’s exclusion during the reference period. In the vast majority of cases where the reason for the young person’s exclusion is known, the catalyst was a violent assault on a member of staff. This is in accordance with the statistical evidence reported in 2.4 above, namely that pupils in special schools are more likely to be excluded for a physical assault on a member of staff than are pupils in mainstream schools. However, in the cases reported here, there is strong evidence that persistent disruptive behaviour, often involving systematic bullying of younger children, instances of physical assault and damage to property, were contributing factors. This is reflected in the number of fixed period exclusions recorded for some young people. The research team faced some challenges in determining the number of recorded fixed period exclusions. As is evident from Table 3.1, some of the young people had complex trajectories that were often difficult to piece together. The reasons for this, and the implications for future policy development, will be explored below. What is clear, however, is that the event that precipitated the permanent exclusion was the culmination of a series of disruptive incidents. It most cases it was the severity of the assault, and the fact that it was directed at the head teacher that resulted in the permanent exclusion.
7. The Department’s key measure of persistent absence relates to the school year. A pupil is classified as a persistent absentee for the school year if missing around 15 per cent of possible sessions. For combined autumn term and spring term figures, the persistent absence threshold is based on 38 or more sessions. For autumn term 2007 and spring term 2008 a persistent absentee was taken as being absent for 36 or more possible sessions. This reduction was needed because of the unusually short spring term in 2008. This term was shorter by approximately 20 possible sessions in the majority (82 per cent) of schools. To aid transparency and simplicity our termly persistent absence thresholds don’t tend to change from year to year (unless there are exceptional circumstances).
There was evidence in the data that teacher presenteeism had a detrimental effect on pupils. This is consistent with research by Jennings and Greenberg (2009). Pupils identified how this impacted negatively on their learning and they responded to the teacher’s mood by negotiating their own behaviour. Teachers also identified how their mental health negatively impacted on the way they managed classes, the quality of their relationships with pupils and their teaching. This is consistent with the literature (Harding et al, 2019). Pupil data indicate that pupils thought that the use of substitute teachers to cover absent teacher had a detrimental impact on their learning. There was less evidence of actual impact of teacher mental health on pupil attainment data, although this was evident in one of the case study schools. This is an area for further research. The teachers identified a range of strategies that they drew on to improve their resilience. These included personal actions (such as exercise), prioritising tasks, support from significant others and colleagues, whole school strategies and accepting that the pursuit of perfectionism is impossible. It