Top PDF Forecasting Child Poverty in Scotland

Forecasting Child Poverty in Scotland

Forecasting Child Poverty in Scotland

Universal Credit (UC) presents an additional problem because there are, as yet, no official statistics from DWP on the take-up rate. However, it is generally assumed that the take-up rate for UC will be higher than the take-up rate for the benefits and tax credits it replaces, for one particular reason: there are currently many benefit units who are eligible for more than one of the benefits or tax credits which are being replaced by UC, but who do not claim the whole package of benefits. For example, there are benefit units who are eligible for tax credits and Housing Benefit but whom claim only one or the other. Because UC is a single payment replacing several different benefits, when a claim is processed, it is equivalent to a situation in which the benefit unit applied for all the ‘legacy’ benefits and tax credits, and this should result in a boost in take-up rates. To estimate the extent to which UC might be expected to boost take-up rates, all other things being equal, we used the TTM to calculate the number of benefit units who claimed any of the benefits being replaced by UC (Income Support, income-based JSA, income-based ESA, Housing Benefit, Working Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit) as a proportion of the number of benefit units modelled as eligible to receive any of those benefits in the TTM. The calculation (adjusted for the gap between TTM estimates of take-up rates for the individual benefits and DWP/HMRC estimates) was a UC take-up rate of 87%. This is a relatively high take-up rate compared to the DWP/HMRC
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Wrong direction : can Scotland hit its child poverty targets?

Wrong direction : can Scotland hit its child poverty targets?

With this in mind, the Scottish government’s proposed new ‘Income Supplement’ could play an important role. The payment is due to be introduced by 2022, with a specific focus on reducing child poverty. However, the government has not yet provided any details of how it will work. At this point we don’t know who will receive it; whether it will be £5,000, £500 or £5 a year; when exactly it will start reaching people; or how it will be paid for. Other options include the lifting of the value of child benefit, with the Child Poverty Action Group recommending a £5 a week increase as a less targeted but simpler approach to poverty alleviation for example. [11] It is also possible that replacing the current
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Estimating the cost of child poverty in Scotland : approaches and evidence

Estimating the cost of child poverty in Scotland : approaches and evidence

36. For acute healthcare, spending figures show more discernible differences. In the case of wards in Edinburgh and North Lanarkshire, as discussed above, per capita spending on all in-patient care (not distinguishing by age) is 23% and 12% higher respectively in the most deprived 10% than in the slightly deprived category. A comparable spending premium of 20% was calculated specifically for children’s acute care for Fife (but on a different basis) in the analysis below. If hospitals were to save 20% for children in the most deprived fifth of areas, the overall amount spent by hospitals on caring for children would fall by nearly 4%. 37. It is difficult to estimate globally how much of the health budget in Scotland is allocated to caring for children. However, it is only a small part of the overall NHS budget, which is heavily weighted towards caring for older people. Perhaps the most costly extra intervention required as a result of deprivation would be hospital care for under-weight babies. Overall, though, the savings are likely to be small relative to other services referred to here: in the Fife example below, potential acute healthcare savings are estimated at less than a
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Child poverty

Child poverty

“That the Parliament agrees that it is unacceptable that children living in severe poverty in Scotland are missing out on basic necessities such as fresh, nutritious food, new clothes and shoes and having a warm home in the winter; welcomes Save the Children's campaign to end child poverty, which highlights the effects for children and their families of living in severe and persistent poverty; acknowledges the progress made by the Scottish Executive in lifting 100,000 children in Scotland out of poverty and helping children in the Dumbarton constituency and across Scotland to improve their life chances, and believes that more needs to be done and that the Executive should prioritise the needs of the very poorest children and continue to work with the UK Government in implementing solutions, such as child seasonal grants, proposed as part of the Save the Children campaign.”
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Poverty in Perspective: A typology of poverty in Scotland

Poverty in Perspective: A typology of poverty in Scotland

Poverty in Perspective‟ identified a group described as „vulnerable mothers‟ (Wood et al., 2012). This group is made up of single mothers under 24, with babies or young children, living in social housing. They are the most deprived of all the child poverty groups in the UK, lacking consumer durables and behind on bill payments, and are low skilled with limited work histories. This group is likely to be very similar to the group of „workless families‟ who are single mothers identified in this Scottish analysis. Previous research has shown that young, unemployed mothers tend to be at high risk of social exclusion (Campbell and Watt, 2016), and our findings support this. „Workless families‟ tend to live in a deprived neighbourhood, without ownership of a car, and do not take part in cultural activities - meaning that many in this group may often find themselves stuck at home, or otherwise isolated. They also face a range of economic disadvantages.
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Child Poverty Strategies

Child Poverty Strategies

the three overarching aims and actions are supporting disadvantaged groups and communities. A Tackling Poverty Action Plan annual report was published July 2014 8 . Compared with Scotland and Northern Ireland, Wales’ child poverty strategy 2011 seemed to place greater requirements upon public authorities and greater importance on ensuring that child-poverty related activity happens at all levels of government and across services. A review by the New Policy Institute considered the Welsh strategy to be ‘more advanced than other strategies both in terms of the time it was launched (much earlier) and its content (more detailed and thorough). In particular, the monitoring and measurement were seen as a standard to aim for.’ 9 The Joseph
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Ethnicity and child poverty

Ethnicity and child poverty

HBAI figures, the use of the HRP was retained as the means of attributing ethnicity to households, families and children for consistency with the published results. By excluding Northern Ireland from the analysis, categories can include all those 2001 Census categories common to both Scotland and England and Wales – that is having a white British and white other category. However, using the hierarchical method outlined above, all white British and white other households and those containing both white British and white other members (but not anyone from any other ethnic group) are all attributed to a general ‘white’ category. Moreover, though there are four mixed categories, the small numbers in any given group meant that all four were aggregated for analysis, even if this is not an entirely desirable approach. It has, for example, been argued that it would be preferable to combine each mixed category with the group to which it shares the minority part – such as attributing white and black Caribbean to Caribbean, and white and Asian to Indian, etc. However, there is not only extensive policy and research interest in the experience of children and families of mixed ethnicity in their own right; in addition, as such children and families tend to represent the most recent generations, and to have relationships with different ethnic groups, it is argued that their experience could be informative about the future experience of ethnic minorities and the durability, or not, of racialised disadvantage. Thus, the decision was taken to treat these mixed categories as distinct from their component groups, even if in some cases, as with the FRS, that meant constructing an aggregate ‘mixed’ group.
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Child Poverty in Large Families

Child Poverty in Large Families

The Millennium Cohort Study (MCS) (or Child of the New Century) is a new national longitudinal birth cohort study that was launched in 2000 to mark the new millennium. The first wave of the MCS contains a child population aged nine months (born between September 2000 and January 2002), living in the UK and eligible to receive Child Benefit (CB). The children are being followed up at age three (at the time of writing) and there are plans and funding in place to follow them up again at age five when they will be in school and then at seven years old. The final sample size contains 18,553 families and after allowance for 246 twin and 10 triplet births, the number of babies included in the data set amounts to 18,819. The vast majority of respondents were mothers. The MCS is stratified to over-represent areas with high proportions of minority ethnic groups in England, residents of areas with high child poverty and residents of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. It is therefore an extremely useful and up-to-date vehicle for studying child and family poverty (Bradshaw et al, 2005; Mayhew and Bradshaw, 2005). Income poverty is defined as having a net equivalent household income below 60% of the national median. For the calculation of equivalent income we used the McClements equivalence scale.
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ending child poverty: making it happen

ending child poverty: making it happen

chances damaged by living in poverty. This commitment is shared by each of the Devolved Administrations and, in the decade since the child poverty target was set, they have all taken action to tackle poverty. Along with the UK Government, each of the Devolved Administrations must be responsible for taking the action necessary to ensure we accelerate progress towards the eradication of child poverty by 2020. Legislation will ensure that there is a clear vision and definition of success and that all parts of society are enabled to play their full role in tackling child poverty across the UK. Ending child poverty takes more than just central government leadership and national action. It takes everyone at national, devolved administration, regional and local level, and within communities, businesses and families themselves, to play a role in tackling child poverty. We will work closely with the Devolved Administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, recognising their particular and varying responsibilities. While some of the proposals in this paper are specific to England, the challenges are common across the four countries of the UK. Each must consider the arrangements in those areas for which they have devolved responsibility and address the issues in ways that meet their own circumstances and needs. However, the commitment to eradicate child poverty across the UK cannot be in question.
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Poverty, educational attainment and achievement in Scotland : a critical review of the literature

Poverty, educational attainment and achievement in Scotland : a critical review of the literature

We shall focus on five discrete but closely interrelated social policy strands that comprise legislation, strategies and frameworks. These are set out briefly below. However, there are other features of the policy landscape in Scotland that have a bearing on the issues addressed here. For example, the Education (Additional Support for Learning) (Scotland) Acts 2004 (Scottish Executive, 2004a) and 2009 (Scottish Government, 2009a), which replaced the category of special educational need based on a deficit in the individual child with the term additional support needs. Riddell (2007) has suggested that this change in terminology gives prominence to broader social problems that require inter- agency responses as the main cause of learning and behavioural difficulties, and poor attainment. As we shall see below, the change in nomenclature from „special‟ to „additional‟ exposes some of the tensions between targeted and universal approaches to service delivery.
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Annual report on the child poverty strategy for Scotland : 2016

Annual report on the child poverty strategy for Scotland : 2016

Over the last decade, relative child poverty before housing costs has been falling, although there was an increase in the most recent year. Relative child poverty was 17% in 2014/15, a decrease from 21% in 2005/06. After housing costs are taken into account, while child poverty has fallen, the decrease is less than that seen for the before housing costs measure.

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Child Poverty (Scotland) Bill

Child Poverty (Scotland) Bill

A second issue raised through consultation responses is the need for there to be interim targets in place. It was noted that interim targets are needed in order to maintain momentum, assess progress and make sure that measures being taken to reduce poverty were having an effect on children now (Scottish Government, 2016b). There is no requirement set out in the Bill for interim targets to be established and reported either to the Scottish Parliament or to any group that is established to oversee or advise the Scottish Government on child poverty. There is also no mention in the Bill or accompanying paperwork of the role that is to be played by the current Ministerial Advisory Group (MAG) either in its current form or any modified future form.
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Child poverty in Scotland : forecasting the impact of policy options

Child poverty in Scotland : forecasting the impact of policy options

The Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) Scotland undertook analysis on behalf of the Poverty and Inequality Commission in February 2018. 11 They considered similar questions to this analysis, but also looked at how much it would cost to reduce child poverty in Scotland. Policy reforms that were considered included increasing child benefit, removing the two-child limit and lifting the benefit cap in Scotland. Their methodology was broadly similar to that used in this analysis and it was also a static analysis, taking no account of economic effects or behavioural effects. The study highlighted the challenging nature of the child poverty targets and concluded that they could only be delivered through a comprehensive set of policy reforms, with changes to the tax and benefit system
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Child Poverty Strategy for Scotland

Child Poverty Strategy for Scotland

environment, family circumstances (including those of Looked After Children and young carers) or social and emotional factors – factors often strongly connected to child poverty. The legislation places duties on education authorities to identify, meet and keep under review the additional support needs of all pupils for whom they are responsible, and to tailor provision according to their individual needs. The Scottish Government has supported Learning Teaching Scotland to produce new advice on embedding the Curriculum for Excellence in the early years for both practitioners and parents. Measures to reduce class sizes - including forthcoming new legislation to introduce legal limits for class sizes in Primary 1 - are also intended to improve the quality of children’s learning experiences.
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Child poverty in English speaking countries

Child poverty in English speaking countries

How is all this to be achieved? Policies include substantial increases in recent years in universal child benefit (by a factor of about 2½). 37 Some of this came after the June 2001 date for the information in Figure 2, which shows Ireland to have had the most ge nerous package of cash and tax benefits for a hypothetical low earner at that time. Continued emphasis on supporting childcare will help promote female employment – another explicit revised NAPS target – and hence family incomes. The 1998 Commission on the Family had noted the almost complete lack of public funding in Ireland of pre-school childcare. 38 A National Children’s Strategy, introduced in 2002 (and Ireland’s first), provides a co-ordinating framework, with goals shaped by the language and aspirations of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. The new longitudinal survey of Irish children mentioned in Section 3 is one concrete product of the Strategy. Among the questions that could be asked about these policy initiatives is whether the money is there to fund them with the ending of the Irish economic boom.
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Poverty and Child Health in the United States

Poverty and Child Health in the United States

Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) is a block grant program by which the federal government provides money for states to fund work and family support programs with specific goals and time limits. The Personal Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act of 1996 (often referred to as welfare reform) created TANF to replace Aid to Families with Dependent Children, thereby creating block grants for state administration, work requirements for eligibility, and lifetime limits on receipt of federal support. Because of unchanging federal funding levels and limits of the amount of time individuals can access benefits, the number of families receiving TANF has decreased, despite the increased need since the Great Recession. National TANF caseloads, especially those receiving cash benefits, have declined by 50% since 1996, with state caseload reductions varying from 25% to 80% despite the steadily increasing numbers of families in poverty and deep poverty. 35 The
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Perpetual Poverty: Child Health and the Underclass

Perpetual Poverty: Child Health and the Underclass

lize prenatal care services, but also ignores the over- whelming effects of the negative behavioral and en- vironmental factors of the dysfunctional and most disadvantaged people of the [r]

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Child poverty: The shocking ins and outs

Child poverty: The shocking ins and outs

Vulnerability rate is extreme for 45.95 percent children and severe for 40.59 percent children. Those children who suffer from extreme form of vulnerability reported that they encounter risks and shocks of myriad forms like risks of food insecurity, risks of health hazards, gang involvement. Calamities escalate the magnitude of their risks and often they become homeless. They also experience stress when they become temporary child labours, beggars engaging them in some income earning pursuits. Girls reported that they enter into forced child marriages and sometimes they are insecure with the apprehension of being trafficked. Neglects are received by them from family members, friends at schools, teachers in the class rooms and community members. They are prone to violence getting easily battered and scolded. Poverty too brings humiliation. When they lack the essentials needed for playgrounds and class rooms, peers and teachers humiliate them.
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Child Schooling and Child Work in India: Does Poverty Matter?

Child Schooling and Child Work in India: Does Poverty Matter?

There are big differentials in schooling pattern between these two categories that have been persisted in India. The overall findings of this table concluded that poorer household children are more prone to never having attended, dropping out and leaving school due to economic hardship in the family. Apart from existing policies for school education in India, there is an urgent need to take measures to children who have never attended in particular states of India irrespective of poverty and regional disparities. Dropout rates among poor children are very high compared to wealthier children. This is also an important concern and challenge for us apart from various national schemes as Mid Day Meal, SSA, RMSA ad RTE are vehicles to achieve the universal primary education
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A good childhood for every child? Child Poverty in the UK

A good childhood for every child? Child Poverty in the UK

Child poverty is about children living in households suffering from a lack of material resources. Professor Peter Townsend ix defined this as lacking “the resources to obtain the types of diets, participate in the activities, and have the living conditions and amenities that are customary... in the societies to which they belong”. Such resources may include money, but they may also include other forms of material resources – such as access to healthcare, a decent home and a high- quality free education.

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