Top PDF Forestry policy and poverty: the case of community forestry in Nepal

Forestry policy and poverty: the case of community forestry in Nepal

Forestry policy and poverty: the case of community forestry in Nepal

mountainous areas have higher values because they have special importance for biodiversity conservation, global warming mitigation, and adventure tourism. These resources are also more valuable for people in developing countries like Nepal who have little access to private land or other opportunities for employment and income. In Nepal, institutional and geographical factors have made land a limiting factor of production. Forestland including shrub-land and alpine pasture comprises 39 percent and arable land 21 percent of total land area. The rest of the land provides little scope for economic use. In the 2002 agricultural census, the average land holding was less than 0.8 hectares per household and 74.1 percent land owing households have less than one hectare of land. The bottom 47 percent of land-owning households owned 15 percent of total arable land and had an average land area of 0.5 hectares or less. Despite being an agriculture-based economy, 29 percent of households are land-less (UNDP, 2004), and more than 60 percent of the landholding households in Nepal have a food deficit from their own land (CBS, 2003). The landless people manage their household needs by working on others‟ farms, encroaching on public lands, renting lands (share cropping) or in other employment. In these conditions, it is difficult for poor households to support themselves if they do not have adequate resources from community forestlands. Historically, mountain communities have managed some common lands and used them for the mutual benefit of all
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Community forestry policy impacts and alternative policies for poverty alleviation in Nepal

Community forestry policy impacts and alternative policies for poverty alleviation in Nepal

In Nepal also the community forestry policy was originally introduced for environmental conservation, which may have reduced the forest resources necessary for the livelihood of disad[r]

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Small forests, big ambitions and a hard reality - community forestry in Nepal

Small forests, big ambitions and a hard reality - community forestry in Nepal

Community forestry in Nepal is intended to reduce poverty by sustainable management of forests. Timber is one of the most high-value forest products, especially in the case of Sal (Shorea robusta) forests in the Terai region of Nepal. Despite having several advantages, including high value forests on fertile land, connection with transportation networks, and being close to regional markets, community forests in the Terai region produce little or no timber from their Sal forests. This research looks at what is affecting the production of Sal timber from community forests. Three aspects of community forest user groups (CFUG) are examined using institutional economics, transaction cost economics and micro- economics. First, the scale of CFUG operations is examined in terms of their ability to profitably carry out logging and organise market sales. Second, the capacity of CFUGs to carry out logging in terms of internal physical and human resources, and property rights is examined. Finally, barriers to vertical integration with the market in terms of contracting and cooperation with other CFUGs are investigated. To answer these questions, data was collected from 85 CFUGs and interviews were carried out with 39 key respondents from CFUGs, government agencies, and private firms. The results show that the size of the forest was not an issue for harvesting and marketing logs. However, the organisational capacity of CFUGs was found to be weak because of a lack of financial resources, limited property rights over timber, control over decisions by the District Forest Office, policy constraints, and
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Analysis of timber production and institutional barriers: A case of community forestry in the Terai and Inner-Terai regions of Nepal

Analysis of timber production and institutional barriers: A case of community forestry in the Terai and Inner-Terai regions of Nepal

The above findings are relevant for the community forest user groups of Nepal where the average size of forest is small at only 75 ha per CFUG (Kanel & Dahal, 2008). Comparing this to the success of the CFEs in Mexico, Chakraborty (2001) found that the CFUG in the Terai region of Nepal had traditional and strong leadership in villages, similar to the social capital of the CFEs. He emphasised the benefits of the support of government, especially in forest administration, in enforcing the rules, for a successful long-term CFUG operation. However, in the case of CFUGs in Nepal, studies on the property rights of CFUGs over community forests, is rare, and even more rare on the timber. Agrawal and Ostrom (2001) conducted a comparative study of four forest management regimes in India and Nepal: forest council in Kumaon in India; joint forestry management in India; a community forestry programme in the Mid-hills; and the parks and people programme in Terai in Nepal. They argued that the delegation of property rights and decentralisation were strongly correlated. The extent of property rights delegation was higher and therefore an effective decentralisation in the first and third management regimes, compared to the second and the fourth regimes. This study has taken the parks and people programme from Terai, which is a different programme compared to community forestry. They explained the property rights in terms of rights to withdrawal of resources, rights to manage, rights to exclude, and rights to transfer. For community forestry in Nepal, they rated the first three rights as granted to local groups, but with some limits and future uncertainty. However, in the case of rights to transfer, they rated limited rights.
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Improving the effectiveness of collective action: sharing experiences from community forestry in Nepal

Improving the effectiveness of collective action: sharing experiences from community forestry in Nepal

The election of women in the key positions of CFUGs is itself a challenge for women and marginalized communities. CFUGs have been recognized as one of the most resourceful and reputed institutions at the local level in Nepal. Continuation of their tenure after election is a big challenge for women leaders. The Lakhana CFUG of Bardia and Sundari CFUG of Nawalparasi are examples where women elected to treasurer and vice chairperson positions of CFUG respectively, unfortunately quit their tenure within a year. The reasons behind their terminations provide lessons for practitioners. Personal reasons include: limited experience and knowledge on legal, administrative and procedural matters of community forestry and inadequate experience and confidence in their leadership roles. External factors include lack of adequate time to make a balance between household and community roles, inadequate support from family and colleagues, as well as the risks and threats associated with their job. These social and political barriers, as well as the pre-existing advantages that men as a gender enjoy in terms of greater access to economic resources and public decision-making (Agarwal 1997) need to be addressed through policy in order for women to become effective agents of change.
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The Role Of Forestry In Poverty Alleviation In Kenya

The Role Of Forestry In Poverty Alleviation In Kenya

The overall objective of this paper is to determine the role played by forestry in alleviating poverty in Kenya. It also seeks to examine and analyse the extent of poverty among people living in Cherangani Hills, West Pokot; assess the benefits of forestry to rural communities; investigate the relationship between forest dependence and poverty and to make policy recommendations on ways of enhancing the contribution of forests in alleviating poverty. Two methods were used to derive data for the study. Secondary data was obtained by review of existing literature related to the subject while primary data was obtained through a survey among 200 households. The survey was based on Multistage sampling procedure. Data was collected through a structured questionnaire, an interview schedule and discussions with key informants and analyzed using descriptive statistics and regression analysis techniques. The findings revealed that 69.5% of the population had incomes falling below the official poverty line. Two categories of forest products had a net effect on rural poverty; timber products were mainly commercialized and traded by people with sufficient capital, while the poor mainly utilized non-timber forest products. The findings further revealed a significant positive relationship between poverty level and household size. There was a significant difference in poverty level among households having forestry as a source of income compared with those without it. On the basis of these findings, it was concluded that forests act to ameliorate the incidence of poverty in the study area. It was recommended that to further enhance this contribution, it was imperative to undertake conservation programmes that were sensitive and responsive to community needs and that aimed to strike a balance between utilization level of forest resources and their renewable rate.
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Gender, institutions & development in natural resource governance: A study of community forestry in Nepal

Gender, institutions & development in natural resource governance: A study of community forestry in Nepal

Nevertheless, other exercises yielded better response. For instance, ‘gender analysis of activity profile’ allowed me to map the differences and overlaps in the work that men and women conducted. I was able to ask detailed questions based on the findings of these exercises. I refer to my findings in the discussions on gender relations in both Bhatpole and Gharmi (see Chapter Five and Seven). Similarly, I discovered that my interviewees were more willing and able to visualize responses in certain situations. This was particularly the case with ownership of land. In Gharmi, most households had small plots of land that surrounded each house. Only successful, male migrants were able accumulate significant quantities of arable land. The richer echelons of the Biswa-Karmas community, men and women alike, were reluctant to specify how much they owned. But surprisingly, they felt it was unthreatening to draw where their land was located in reference to their house. This helped me cross-check who owned, how much land and allowed me to better understand distribution of wealth in the community. In Bhatpole, in comparison, women interviewees lacked numerical skills and found it easier to draw and estimate how much land their household owned. For instance, they estimated the amount of irrigated land by telling me how many paddy crops they could plant in their land, how much space they would leave, where their terraced land was located in relation to village landmarks, and others.
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Who benefits? : Decentralised forest governance through community forestry in Nepal

Who benefits? : Decentralised forest governance through community forestry in Nepal

Those authors further make the case that Nepal is an unliberated semi-colony now partially incorporated within the larger political economy of India. This issue is often raised by left wing political parties in Nepal who argue that India is engaged in economic exploitation via control of natural resources (e.g., water resources). However, Nepal’s modern political economy cannot be seen as being controlled by an external power. Yet, foreign aid and development intervention has had a considerable impact in restructuring the country’s political economy especially with respect to natural resource management (Pokharel and Tumbahamphe, 1995). Various donor-supported forestry projects have had this effect by strengthening the ability of individuals, groups and local institutions to challenge the authorities. These projects played a vital role in empowering voices of the marginalized communities against inequality and in altering power relations in terms of class, caste, gender and access to resources and in the distribution mechanisms used (Pokharel and
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Community forestry, REDD+ pilot project, power, and corruption : a case study of Ludikhola watershed in Gorkha District, Nepal

Community forestry, REDD+ pilot project, power, and corruption : a case study of Ludikhola watershed in Gorkha District, Nepal

At the local level, creating a common enemy is an old strategy, and it is easier to say no to the authoritarian regimes. Therefore, communities have created and claimed spaces to claim their rights and promote their interests, and have become involved in the “everyday resistance”, gaining access to hidden arenas of power. In the community, rather than seeing “resistance as organization”, we can see the less visible or every-day forms of resistance as Scott introduces, such as foot-dragging, evasion, false compliance, pilfering, feigned ignorance, slander and sabotage (Scott, 1985). Resistance is a subtle form of contesting “hegemony” by making use of prescribed roles and language to resist the abuse of power including things like rumour, gossip, disguises, linguistic tricks, metaphors, euphemisms, folktales, ritual, features, anonymity (Scott, 1985). These methods seem practically effective in the community forestry where violence is used to maintain the status quo and people do this kind of resistance by coordination and planning to resist without directly confronting or challenging elite norms. New forms of resistance activities have been done by youth, without particular permission they will access public resources and talk openly about their rights, which is typically not socially permitted by the higher caste people. A few years ago, Dalits used to access public water taps in the night to escape from higher casts because they are not allowed to touch the public tap. They were and are considered as untouchable cast, as they touch other higher cast people or water or entered into the temple, then all these thing would be impure and they have to purify it by arranging meticulous ritual practices. Still, meals are serving outside the house in leaf plates in some communities in the villages. Some educated Dalits opposed this system and so that, nowadays, in many communities, higher caste people started to serve them in normal plates but still outside the home. Scott talks about resistance from dominated groups who voice their resistance in “cryptic and opaque” ways often for their own safety (Scott, 1990).
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The data not collected on community forestry

The data not collected on community forestry

Decentralization of natural resource management is cen- tral to a rights-based approach to conservation and sus- tainable development (UN 2015). Decentralization of for- est management has been a major trend in global forest governance since the 1980s (Agrawal et al. 2008), and in- ternational conservation and development practitioners have increasingly promoted community-managed forests as a way to enhance sustainable forest use, consolidate rights over traditional lands and resources, and reduce rural poverty (Bray et al. 2003; Molnar et al. 2008). Case studies from around the world show that community forestry has the potential to deliver economic, sociocul- tural, and ecological benefits to local communities and to improve sustainable forest use and livelihood outcomes (Pagdee et al. 2006; Bowler et al. 2012). Despite suc- cesses, outcomes generally have been mixed; many initia- tives have failed to achieve intended objectives (Edmunds & Wollenberg 2003; Oyono 2005; Pokorny 2009).
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Co evolution of Forestry Policy Development and System Social Community

Co evolution of Forestry Policy Development and System Social Community

Referring to the results of a review of biodiversity, silviculture and participatory mapping were collected as evidence of the social and environmental benefits of the Krui system. The Minister of Forestry was asked to consider the Krui system as a special area and in January 1998, the minister established Krui as KDTI (Fores for special purpose area) of 29,000 ha. For the first time local people were allowed to collect the proceeds, both timber and non-timber forest products from state forest areas. They are also given full rights to manage forests with self-organizing community management structures. The ICRAF team draws on the experience of the Philippines with the ancestral domain certification system as the basis for the plan [30]. In the case of GFP STS management where a conservative nature conservation forest paradigm is inappropriate to use. Such inaccuracies have implications for failure to implement. It is important to consider what kind of rules are appropriate for designing forest management systems. The creation of rules affecting the wider community needs to be considered on what conditions the rules are made and how to keep the community in compliance with the rules.
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The effects of social and institutional structures on decision-making and benefit distribution of community forestry in Nepal

The effects of social and institutional structures on decision-making and benefit distribution of community forestry in Nepal

The idea for the delegation of a certain amount of responsibility and authority over forest resources to local communities, in the form of CF, was stimulated by several factors. Among them, Larson and Ribot (2007), Pokharel (2002), Soussan, Shrestha and Uprety (1995) and Hobley (1996) articulated three factors: first, failure of the modernization approach that started after the end of the Second World War with its large scale and centralistic approach to alleviate rural poverty and income disparities in developing countries including Nepal. In 1957, one of the effects of this centralistic development approach was that the forest was nationalised to supply railway sleepers to India and to collect revenue to build infrastructure. The Nationalisation Act 1957 alienated people from forest but since the state could not protect forest resources from encroachment; this led to fast degradation and collapse of forest cover in Nepal (Gautam, Shivakoti, & Webb, 2004; A. L. Joshi, 1993). The second factor was the development of the new paradigm of planned intervention, which used a bottom up approach with the belief that local residents should play a meaningful role in decisions affecting their surrounding forests. Community people are increasingly seeking more say in how local forests are managed and used. The third factor was the surge in the demand for human rights and the indigenous people movement in the mainstream of development to alleviate the poverty of most rural poor. CF is one way in which this desire can be met (Banjade, et al., 2006; Brown, Malla, Schreckinberg, & Baginski, 2002; Freeman, 1997; Kanel, 2005; Roberts & Gautam, 2003).
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The Advantages of Carbon Financing Community Forestry

The Advantages of Carbon Financing Community Forestry

Carbon financing can offer high returns but the downside of this is high risk for small-scale producers. Any payment which is based on an international market is sensitive to external price fluctuations. This uncertainty, coupled with the inaccessibility of information about the carbon markets and the need for a high degree of knowledge in terms of the technicalities of the issue, will require carbon forestry producers to work with intermediaries and brokers to a larger extent than is the case with timber or NTFP production. Common themes in the community forestry literature are the dependency created by reliance on external players for operational capital, the danger of unfavourable relationships between intermediaries and producers, and the capture of excess profits by the intermediaries. At the same time, there is a body of experience which stresses the importance of intermediaries in accessing otherwise inaccessible markets and providing expertise, equipment and credit upfront (te Velde et al., 2006). Intermediaries are likely to have a particularly crucial role in carbon financing, given the need for heavy upfront investment (intermediary networks may need to be developed to provide this upfront capital), as well as the knowledge intensiveness of the process (for example, about marketing and prices, and the need for progressive policy change). Thus, whatever the risks, the involvement of intermediaries can hardly be avoided. To ensure positive relationships with intermediaries, information about the nature of the market and the opportunities offered by carbon financing should be made available to all interested parties, and in an accessible manner.
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Performance of Community Forestry on Social Organization and Livelihoods under Terai Arc Landscape Program, Nepal

Performance of Community Forestry on Social Organization and Livelihoods under Terai Arc Landscape Program, Nepal

The largest use of funds is on non-forestry purposes (road, schools and other infrastructure such as electricity, temple buildings and drinking water) with over 70 percent budget. Only a small proportion of funds has been used for forestry (4 percent and 13 percent in 2009 and 2013 respectively) and for poverty reduction activities (12 percent and 17 percent in 2009 and 2013 respectively). Thus, forestry has received the minimum inputs from CFs showing a grave concern for future sustainability and non-compliance of legal provision to place at least 35 percent income on forest development activities, which understood as protection and sustainable management of forest and biodiversity resources (Table 4). However, the condition of forests has improved regardless of the expenditures on forestry activities.
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Fuelwood consumption and participation in community forestry in India

Fuelwood consumption and participation in community forestry in India

Only a few years ago, community management of forests was viewed as an experimental strategy. Today, it is a part of government and donor orthodoxy in forestry investment. In many parts of the world, communities living on forest fringes or within forests have re- gained some control over the management of these resources. For instance, in Nepal, community forest management was instituted in 1993 and is now viewed as a policy that has helped stem forest degradation (Edmonds 2002, Bardhan and others 2002). Klooster (2000) has examples of co-management of forests in Mexico leading to increased profits to local communities; and, Wily (2002) estimates that at least 4,500 rural communities in Africa are involved in some form of forest management. Thus, decentralized forestry is a worldwide phenomenon. The rights of local forestry communities have been strengthened either through management-sharing arrangements with the state, increased legal access to forests, or decentralization within government agencies.
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Overview of the potentials of forestry and sustainable environment in reducing poverty in Nigeria

Overview of the potentials of forestry and sustainable environment in reducing poverty in Nigeria

Participatory forestry management (PFM) and sustainable environment refer to processes and mechanisms which enable people with a direct stake in forest resources and environment to be part of decision-making in all aspects of forest management and sustainable environment, including policy formulation processes. Participatory Forest Management (PFM) and sustainable environment are used to describe systems in which communities (forest users and managers) and government services (Forest Department) work together to define rights of forest resource use, identify and develop forest management responsibilities, and agree on how forest benefits will be shared (Farmafrica.org, 2007; FARM-Africa annual review, 2007) Forests and trees provide a wide range of goods and services at all levels of society - including the millions of forest-dependent people living in or around forests; national governments; and the global community. There is need for Nigeria to develop and implement national forest and sustainable environment programmes that are broad-based, participatory and inclusive. The challenge is stopping and reversing the ongoing degradation of the forests of Nigeria (caused by increasing illegal logging, forest fires and insect damage) and to improve the welfare of people or enhancing lives of forest dwellers through the development of a model for local level forest ecosystem management. This can be achieved by involving people in the planning and management. Within the natural resource sector, the participatory-approach argument received an impetus following the Rio Earth Summit, where it was accepted as an integral part of the sustainable development process. (FARM- Africa and SOS Sahel Ethiopia, 2007) Participatory forestry, sustainable environment, and sustainable forest management (SFM) are crucial issues in forest conservation, climate change mitigation and environmental protection. It is an issue that have been advocated for by national and International organizations that our forest has' been devastated. Most of the forest resource would have been preserved if this measure has been introduced long ago, even to be in the National and International Policy. The whole World is worried about land degradation, climate change, extinction of wildlife animals and indigenous trees as a result of deforestation, indiscriminate hunting and logging (World Ban, 2013) The forest dwellers are after their livelihood and welfare since there are no favourable policies from the Government. It's like
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Status and Trends in Forests and Forestry Development in Nepal: Major Success and Constraints

Status and Trends in Forests and Forestry Development in Nepal: Major Success and Constraints

Community-based management of forest, in the form of traditional or indigenous systems, has a long history in Nepal, particularly in the hills (Arnold and Campbell 1986; Fisher 1989; Gilmour 1990; Messerschimdt 1993). These systems were operational under different types of institutional arrangements at different times and locations. During the period when the Ranas ruled the country, many hill forests were under the responsibility of talukdars. Kipat was another form of land tenure in which land was regarded as the common property of the local ethnic group and was managed from within the ethnic group’s organization (Fisher 1989). Some of the rules adopted by these indigenous systems of forest management included, (i) only harvesting selected products and species, (ii) harvesting according to the condition of the product, (iii) limiting the amount of product, and (iv) using social means of monitoring (Arnold and Campbell 1986). Some forms of indigenous systems continue to exist in many places despite a general belief that the nationalization of forests in 1957 destroyed these systems and forests under indigenous management are usually of higher quality compared to other forests in the same area. The continuous survival of indigenous forest management systems in many locations despite the nationalization of forests in 1957 was probably because of informal cooperation between communities and local officials that allowed successful forest conservation practices to continue against the national policy.
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Community forestry in Nepal: a policy innovation for local livelihoods

Community forestry in Nepal: a policy innovation for local livelihoods

Community forestry is sustained by a legally defined tenurial structure that is well accepted by local communities and wider Community Forestry Program stakeholders. Radical community rights activists do not demand change in the legal system, unlike many other contexts, but monitor changes in the existing legal framework that may impinge on community rights. While issues of tenure and power sharing between local communities and the government are legalized and provide secure tenure rights to local communities, there are sometimes tensions between local communities and the government in defining, interpreting, and enacting these formally agreed rights (Shrestha 2001; Ojha 2006). This tension sometimes overflows in street protests or intense negotiations, cultivating a feeling of instability and confusion over tenurial security even as it strengthens the claims of local communities. The recurrent issue is the extent to which processes of policymaking, program planning, and implementation provide opportunities to local community groups and civil society networks to influence forest governance. The debate is not so much about principles or legal arrangements, but at the level of everyday practice, where actors seek to defend or maximize their self-interests. This is particularly serious when it comes to registering CFUGs, planning forest management, and harvesting and marketing forest products from community forests. Table 9 summarizes key risks and opportunities related to the long-term sustainability of the Community Forestry Program in Nepal. It lists some real risks but also identifies numerous
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Current status of community forestry in nepal

Current status of community forestry in nepal

Contribution of Community Forestry on Rural Livelihoods Forest resources play a crucial role in rural livelihoods in Nepal and elsewhere in the developing countries (DEV et al. 2003; UPRETI, B. 2002; MALLA 1997; GILMOUR and FISHER 1991; MAHAT et al. 1987). The forest resources directly fulfil forest related subsistence needs of women, poor and backward people as well as commercial needs of well-off people (UPRETI, B. 2002; MALLA 2005). The recent studies show that the Community Forestry in Nepal has contributed to the improvement of forest condition and people’s livelihoods mainly in two ways: Capital formation in rural communities and policy and governance reform of various organisations and agencies (POKHAREL and NURSE, 2004). The Community Forestry is oriented towards the development of natural capital (e.g; Good forest conditions), physical capital (e.g; schools, roads, temple,), financial capital (E.g.; CFUG fund), human capital (e.g.; reoriented forestry staff, higher education of forestry staff, capable CFUG member), and social capital 28 (e.g.; building CFUG as local elected body, and FECOFUN) (Dev et al. 2003). These capital or assets produced by Community Forestry are playing the crucial role in the rural development and development of the livelihoods asset. Some previous studies carried out by Forest Action team in 2003 on “Impact of Community Forestry on livelihoods in the Middle Hills of Nepal” described the Community Forestry’s impacts on livelihoods of the local people. They suggested two major types of impacts: Direct Impacts: Change in the levels and security of forest products and benefit flows (through the improvements to the forest resources and / or improved tenure right) Indirect Impacts: An indirect benefit comprises all those benefits that come from the institutional development of the community based forest management system or the institutional system of Community Forestry. These benefits include improved social capital for collective planning and action; support for community infrastructure and development activities; household livelihood/ income generation opportunities (including credit facilities) and finally improved human capital. There are many evidences, which show that the forest conditions and flow of forest products have improved through Community Forestry (ACHARYA 2004). Increased forest product flows are due to improve of forest conditions (Natural capital), and changed Table 5 Status of Community Forestry in Nepal
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Capital formation and sustainable community forestry in Nepal

Capital formation and sustainable community forestry in Nepal

community forestry in Nepal, using a case study approach based on 23 forest user groups (FUGs). FUGs were classified in 3 categories on the basis of cluster analysis: (1) success- ful, (2) moderately successful, and (3) unsuccessful clus- ters. The results show that the elements of capital accu- mulation in a successful FUG were manageable mature forest, high prices for forest products, a system of charg- ing for all forest products, and sales of surplus forest products outside the FUG. The results also suggest that the benefits of funds, community development, and for- est improvement changed people’s vision and behavior, as well as their attitude toward and understanding of community forestry. This change in attitude has increased interest in and awareness of community forestry and has stimulated thinking about the sustain- ability of community forestry. Local initiative of this sort makes community forests more secure, protected, and wisely managed for sustainable development.
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