ParliamentaryDemocracy as distinguished from Presidential DemocracyParliamentaryDemocracy as distinguished from Presidential Democracy
Our constitution provides for parliamentary form of government. We have borrowed Our constitution provides for parliamentary form of government. We have borrowed the constitutional features of several democratic countries. But our parliamentary the constitutional features of several democratic countries. But our parliamentary model is predominantly based on the British system. The Head of Government in our model is predominantly based on the British system. The Head of Government in our system, the Prime Minister, can hold office only so long as he commands the system, the Prime Minister, can hold office only so long as he commands the confidence of the Lok Sabha. Confidence of the House is reflected in confidence of the Lok Sabha. Confidence of the House is reflected in existence/continuance of majority support - whether it be of a single party or of a existence/continuance of majority support - whether it be of a single party or of a coalition of parties. This feature can, and does, cause instability in governance. In coalition of parties. This feature can, and does, cause instability in governance. In Presidential democracies, the Head of Government, the President is directly elected Presidential democracies, the Head of Government, the President is directly elected by the people and cannot be removed from office except in circumstances of high by the people and cannot be removed from office except in circumstances of high crimes and misdemeanour established through impeachment process. Hence, crimes and misdemeanour established through impeachment process. Hence, Presidential democracies provide stable governance. In our parliamentary system, we Presidential democracies provide stable governance. In our parliamentary system, we have had changes of government through mid term elections or political realignments. have had changes of government through mid term elections or political realignments. Changes in government undoubtedly bring about disruptions in implementation of Changes in government undoubtedly bring about disruptions in implementation of policies, development programmes and schemes.
We examine gender differences in four measures of cognitive function among older individuals in India, using the 2010 pilot wave of the Longitudinal Aging Study of India (LASI) survey. We use a life-course approach and estimate the impact of circumstances in childhood, choices in adulthood and current circumstances on current cognitive functioning. Our objective is to understand the correlates of cognitive functioning in later-life more generally, and of female dis- advantage in particular. We observe a female disadvantage across all cognitive measures in the raw data. Our estimates indicate that educational attainment and employment status history can account for the entire female disadvantage in verbal skills, but a sizable and significant gap remains in the other cognitive measures even after controlling for these variables. Notably, our estimates indicate that circumstances in childhood have an impact on later-life cognition. A decomposition analysis reveals that the predicted cognition gap is driven by differences in char- acteristics between men and women, as well as the asymmetric returns to these characteristics. We conclude that policies aimed at correcting the gender imbalance in educational outcomes may not be sufficient to close the gender gaps in cognition. In turn, this has serious implications for a rapidly aging society like India.
The paper describes the status of national spatial data infrastructure (NSDI), the spatial data infrastructure (SDI) of India in terms of its vision, data formats, metadata, various standards (metadata standard, exchange standard, and application protocol), network framework, macro- policies, data- pricing and dissemination policies, copyrights, and clearinghouse issues. It identifies the challenges of governance and proposes a framework for governance. It presents technical, financial, organisational, and a detailed account of institutional and policy-level challenges and describes the missing link between the National Map Policy (NMP) and NSDI. The paper presents strategies for effective functioning of NSDI using a strategic management model. A SWOT (strength, weakness, opportunity, and threat) analysis for the government organisations, participating in NDSI is undertaken to assess the internal and external environments of the geographic information (GI) industry in the context of NSDI. A possible strategic direction for the GI industry in India in terms of shared vision, better inter- governmental relations, co-production, and collaboration is suggested. The paper describes the strategic plans using the SWOT matrix, which are strength- opportunity strategies, weakness-opportunity strategies, strength-threat strategies, and weakness-threat strategies. Finally, the paper suggests action plans for a vibrant NSDI. Research agenda for the effective functioning of SDI in a developing country in proposed before concluding the paper. The governance framework and strategic approach presented here will be useful for the effective functioning of SDI in developing economies in general and of NSDI in India in particular.
Communication Facilities: In the architectural office each type of electronic communication facility like, telephone, internet, fax, etc., are must to communicate with clients, professionals, employers, and other associates and also to know about new projects, new construction techniques and latest brands. But in most parts of rural India, the facility of electronic communication and also print communication is very poor. Because of this issue it is hard to achieve maximum efficiency in the office and difficult to compete with other architects of urban areas.
Parliamentary form of government has become the most desirable mode of governance throughout the world. But the efficacy of parliaments in providing effective governance is not up to satisfaction in many democracies. India is the only country in the developing world were parliamentarydemocracy has survived. Therefore it is interesting to know how parliament works and tries to carry out its duties so that it can be an effective instrument of democracy. The present research study was proposed to study the attitude of intellectuals of J&K towards parliamentary practices in India. The study has based its analysis on primary data from intellectuals. The observations are based on surveys and interview, while performing the field work through questionnaire. For this, Kulgam district of J&K was selected using stratified sampling method. Sample consists of 100 intellectuals. It is found that the working of Indian parliament, its proceedings and practice has declined due to daily adjournments and walkouts. Also the number of politicians with criminal background has increased to a large extent. Government and their ministers should realize that it is their own advantage to consider parliamentary debates, scrutiny and criticism as props of genuine democracy in their efforts to steer, guide, lead and control the administration.
DOI: 10.4236/blr.2018.95034 586 Beijing Law Review Britain, Germany, India and Ethiopia share the same parliamentary system of government. Sharing the same system could not be the only reason to make a synthesis of this article. Britain an oldest parliamentarydemocracy in the world and best in preserving their tradition is helpful to explore the system for any country. India is a large democracy, diverse, and a developing state is the most conformable example for a country like Ethiopia has to learn. Germany with strong federal structure and strong executive which is lead by the chancellor could be the best case in point for other parliamentary democracies. Exploring the experience of executive accountability in these countries in a comparative manner is helpful for the advance of knowledge and to share worthy experience of these countries. The article articulates the theoretical foundations of parlia- mentary democracies and it attempts to bring to the Ethiopian case.
Therefore, to enhance their participation and overcome this problem, there should be a proper honorarium to meet these disbursements 36 . A special arrangement should be formulated for their education since illiteracy has been the major obstruction in the way of their functioning as strong political leaders. There should be a special and compulsory training arrangement for the Dalit women who were not literate to become literate before their election so as to enable them to become independent and effective in their functioning. For the elected women representatives, there must be an intensive training and separate capacity building exercises immediately after their elections to sensitize them on various aspects of governance and power sharing. Their focus should be on the relevance and various dimensions of centralized and decentralized governance, constitutional and other safeguards, implementation of various welfare programmes, interface with officials and higher caste representatives in the political realm. Such exercises and training programmes need to be repeated and upgraded at regular intervals. Frequent exposure visits and get together can also be arranged as a part of the capacity building mechanism. The literature generated by various institutions like National Commission for Women and other agencies may be used as a basic input for their activities.
The political will for change could not arrive until a new leader was elected in France. According to Westlake, “De Gaulle’s 1969 departure encouraged the pro-federalists to speculate again” (1994, p.22). This also paved the way for the accession of the United Kingdom in 1973 with its long standing heritage of parliamentarydemocracy. For some like David Marquand this meant, “The Community’s decision-making process violates one of the central elements in the liberal-democratic political creed to which all nine of the Community’s Governments pay lip-service” (Marquand 1979, p.2). However Marquand’s argument must be projected alongside the fact Member States had faced political pressure from MEPs for several years and not succumb to their wishes. It therefore must be taken into account additional changes introduced by further treaty change as a means to explain growing Member State interest towards direct elections. In 1967 the Merger Treaty consolidated the institutions to create a single Council and Commission which would serve the European Communities (ECSC, EEC and Euratom). With this came the concentration of power and a higher value placed on the possible abuse of that power. The European Parliament knew this and carefully argued, “The role of the Governments in the Council of Ministers is excessive and the part played by the European executive-the Commission-far too modest, Parliament is the symbol both of democracy and of European sentiment. It protects the Communities from technocracy and from regimes in which all the powers are concentrated in the hands of the executive.” (1967, p.19). Appealing to Member States desire for international stability and the protection of their national interest may have been the missing link in gaining their support. It would also coincide with a moral democratic argument as argued by former Commissioner Neil Kinnoch, “The European parliament is directly elected precisely because the 1970s system of sending a delegation of MPs and peers to Strasbourg was manifestly undemocratic and ineffective.” (Kinnoch 2012). Whatever the reason it was no longer a question of if, but a question of how?
Another state, which has shown initial activism in PRI, is Madhya Pradesh. Even before the amendment Madhya Pradesh had a long tradition of local self- governments. So when the Act was implemented, Madhya Pradesh has used the district planning committee provision of the 73 rd amendment and pass decision-making powers to districts. It has also empowered the gram sabha to carry out the functions of Gram Panchayat through numerous committees under the gram swaraj. Madhya Pradesh PRI system is characterized by committee system at the local level managed by members of Gramsabha and other higher levels. However, this system is not functioning due to lack of awareness among the members and bureaucratic indifference to provide technical guidance to the representatives on powers assigned to them. Thus the PRI representatives under utilized the powers and functions delegated to the committees. In Madhya Pradesh we can see elite capture of the system without giving actual representation to marginalized sections of society even though the Act guarantees it. Yet another problem connected to this is had been the love-hate relationship between the local level bureaucracy and the elected representative of PRIs. Both use to move in different directions, due to lack of proper co- ordination and clarity of functions 20 . More over there is also a tendency towards politicization of local bureaucracy. The Panchayat system has been implemented with such pace that the system of governance has not had time to attune itself to these major structural changes 21 .
Among the main factors that caused the low representation of women in Sri Lanka’s parliament is the absence of a women quota system through constitutional provisions or party policies. Several proposals on quotas for women were made in Sri Lanka between 1998 and 2000, but none of them were successful. A proposal for a twenty-five percent quota for women in local bodies, for example, was dropped in the draft constitution presented to parliament, but withdrawn in 2000. It was reported that minority political party leaders mostly opposed the quota system because of the difficulties in finding female candidates. In 2001, calls for quotas were renewed. Hema Ratnayake, the Minister of Women’s Affairs at that time, had declared that her People’s Alliance government will draft legislation to provide a minimum of 25 percent representation of women in all elected bodies: from the national parliamentary level, to village councils. However, to date, this has not been achieved. According to the Inter-Parliament Union (2016), Sri Lanka is in the lowest stance in its regional setting (South Asia) in terms of providing representation to women in the parliament. At the end of 2015, women representation in parliament was highest in Nepal (29.4%), followed by Afghanistan (27.7%), Pakistan (20.6%), Bangladesh (20%), India (12%), Bhutan (8.5%), and Maldives (5.9%) in South Asian context (IPU, 2016).
Third, there seems to be a growing disconnect between national parties and the Europarties/political families, which makes it even more difficult for voters to understand the translation from national to EU level. According to the second order national elections paradigm, parties on the fringes (particularly Eurosceptic parties) in general perform better in European than in national elections, despite recent successes in some member states. However, for those parties it is often unclear which group they will join (or create) until after the elections. Eurosceptics in particular have reshuffled their groups in every legislative term so far, making it more difficult for voters to understand Europarties and the functioning of the EP in a broader sense. The established party groups deliver more stability but, as argued above, not even these campaign in the name of the group.
There is deep concern at the decline in the quality of parliamentary debate, disorder and chaos in sessions, the perfunctory scrutiny of legislative proposals and the inability to monitor the functioning of the executive. Remedial steps are required to make legislatures effective in their legislative and watchdog functions. 1)The committee system should be strengthened by giving powers and exclusive authority to initiate legislative proposals or scrutinise government bills, effectively monitor executive decisions and implementation and investigate into wrongdoing. 2)Reforms should be initiated to make the conduct of the sessions more purposive, time-bound and productive.3)Steps should be taken to enhance the dignity of, and confidence in, the legislatures and promote ethical conduct and professional discharge of functions. To improve the functioning of the Parliament the following issues need to be addressed. (a) Quality of debates and discussion on the floor of Parliament need to be improved. (b) Absenteeism among members which has assumed alarming proportions needs to be checked if we are not to make a mockery of our Parliamentarydemocracy. (c) The increasing indiscipline and unruly behaviour of Members and the increasing tendency to disrupt the House and stall Parliamentary proceedings has got to be checked. It amounts to paralyzing the activity of governance and legislation. (d) “More time is to be devoted to Lawmaking and make the committee system more effective to better oversee the Government’s functions—-”. (e) “A strict code of conduct for people’s representatives, implementing the policy of ‘No work, No pay’, if Parliament session was disturbed by members devoting most of the time in quality debate and discussions and disqualifying the tainted MPs are some of the urgent measures which should be implemented. That would definitely make the ParliamentaryDemocracy more useful and meaningful”..
Parliament is expected to be the voice and protector of general interests of constituents, and an overseer of the executive. Wallis (1989: 28) states that in 'parliamentarydemocracy, parliament's functions include representation of voters, mechanism through which governments can be formed and controller of government performance'. But he concedes that 'the practice ... has deviated substantially from theory in many cases ... these deviations have meant that parliament is not a very effective means of controlling government performance'. Botswana is no exception. One of the roles of parliament is to represent the electorate, and it can do so if it interacts with, and is accountable to them. The main mechanism of representation in a representative democracy is popular election, and that of accountability is consultation. Beyond elections, however, popular consultation, which is also an important element of Tswana culture, is another way through which leaders can represent the masses. One of the hallmarks of democracy is a strong and credible opposition that is able to provide an alternative to the ruling party, and hold the government in power accountable. As Osei-Hwedie (2001: 58) puts it: 'the opposition's role is to check and balance the operations of the ruling party, prevent abuses of power and ensure, inter alia, that the government does not neglect the public interest'. The opposite is largely true for much of Africa including Botswana, as the opposition fails to pose a serious challenge to the ruling party. This has contributed to a de facto one party dominant system within a multiparty framework in southern Africa as in Botswana, South Africa (only until 2001) and Namibia. The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has been the dominant party in Botswana since independence. Democratic governance also requires a neutral and independent judiciary to protect and reinforce the rights and freedoms of citizens, and contribute to the proper functioning of the system, especially to fight arbitrariness and corruption.
It can therefore be said that privileges are important for the purposes of proper functioning of the Parliament. The members have to be free from the fear of detention and court proceedings for any view that they express in the House. Members need to be free of all constraints in the matter of what they say in the Parliament if they are effectively to represent their constituencies in its deliberations.
the use of light, public space and the addition of a major glass cupola - that were designed to symbolise a new phase in German political history; and in terms of ‘new-builds’ the architecture and design of the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly of Wales was explicitly intended to prevent the replication of majoritarian politics in Edinburgh and Cardiff. The new Georgian parliament in Kutaisi – a massive glass dome - is physically and geographically intended to represent a clear break with the country’s political past and has not been located close to the government buildings on Tbilisi; whereas in India the constitutionally ascribed link between population and representation has created institutional pressures for expansion that can only be accommodated through the creation of a new parliamentary complex. The links with the current situation in Westminster are obvious but three issues flow out of this international landscape. The first is that the internal planning documents regarding R&R have generally been quite parochial in the sense that similar projects around the world have hardly been mentioned, let alone carefully examined to identify key insights, good practice, etc. The second issue revolves around the lack of comparative political analysis on the design or architecture of parliaments around the world, let alone on the political dynamics underlying critical design and architectural decisions. This, in turn, leads back to a more disciplinary set of questions concerning impact and engagement and whether a more explicit and ambitious design-oriented model of political science might offer a critical ‘road to relevance’ that has so far been largely over-looked. But at the broadest level the significance of the proposed R&R of the Palace of Westminster arguably rests upon its relationship to broader narratives and concerns regarding ‘the life and death of democracy’ (Keane, 2009) which have already high-lighted the emergence of post-parliamentary, post-representative, post-democratic forms of politics. Whether parliament can demonstrate its continued relevance and adaptive qualities in this broader context and offer a more aspirational approach by seeing R&R as an opportunity rather than a threat remains to be seen.
Gandhi believed that a democracy, Which served the welfare of all, would be marked by Minimum state intervention in social life. He criticized parliamentary. However this system was certainly an advance over monarchy and oligarch. He remarked," I do not believer in any government is better than capricious rule." So he, accepted parliamentary Swaraj as an immediate goal and point in the struggle for Swaraj . In 1924, he said," Parliament is indeed barren. I do not imagine that its nature can change India I live, however, in the hope that our Parliament will only remain barren and not give birth to wicked son . I cannot abandon practical considerations. The ideal is one only namely Ramrajya.........I am suggesting many ways to ensure that the voice of Parliament is really the voice of the people, and no the hired voters. With the end in view I am searching for a device which will enable us to listen to the voice of the entire people . All systems are bound to be defective. We are looking for a system which will yield maximum benefit of India."
“Behind every great fortune there is a crime”
~ The Godfather, Mario Puzo, Signet, 1969. ABSTRACT:
This article analyses the relation between the Anti-corruption Laws and the Parliamentary Privileges, enjoyed by the people’s representative under the provisions of the Indian Constitution by documenting the remarkable increase in research studies on corruption since the 1980s, defining both concepts, and identifying the negative consequences of corruption. Considering the centrality of the problem, there is a need for more active policy discourse as well as academic engagement on the issue, more so with the objective of devising strategies to combat the same. This makes the case that checking administrative and parliamentary corruption is a sine qua non of good governance and proposes several legal and policy reforms for achieving the same. It argues that the top administrative brass must lead by example by shunning an ostentatious lifestyle while at the same time, firmly dealing with charges of corruption under their jurisdiction.
In contrast, research concerned with Regional (and International) Parliamentary Institutions is an under- exploited field of study. Early works including Klebes (1988) and Kuper (1991) only offer some preliminary definitions and descriptions. More recent differentiated typologies, functions, and conclusions concerning International Parliamentary Institutions (IPIs) can be found in Cutler (2001), Sabic (2008), and Cofelice (2012). The last begins to further discuss definitional and conceptual problems such as typologies, and develops hypotheses concerned with the empowerment of IPIs vis-à-vis their affiliated regional organiza- tions by focusing on ten globally spread cases. Most recent works include Costa et al. (2013) who provide a research agenda framed in terms of globalization and regionalization as well as an in-depth analysis of several types of IPIs ranging from supranational parliaments to inter-regional institutions. Furthermore, Cutler (2013) links the current research program on IPIs to organizational understandings of ROs, which provides fertile grounds for further research on the interplay between RPIs and their regional environment. The paper is divided into two parts: the first part develops a theoretical and analytical framework for legit- imacy research on RPIs, and the second part applies this framework to the empirical cases while focusing on the design of these institutions. The first part provides the theoretical framework focusing on concep- tualizations of legitimacy theory in international relations as well as a typology of RPIs with two disjunctive criteria: election mode and connection to a regional parent organization. The second part focuses on two independent variables (depth of integration and regime type) in order to map the universe of cases and tests two hypotheses concerning the creation and design of RPIs. Finally, the results are discussed, and the conclusion summarizes the paper.
vote in India is a statutory right. The converse of this, i.e. the right not to vote, while maintaining secrecy was claimed vide a petition to the Supreme Court by PUCL. Since the petition filed by PUCL (Peoples Union for Civil Liberties) was a Writ Petition under Article 32, the Court had to judge its maintainability, as it was contended that Right to Vote is considered a statutory right. The Court held that although Right to vote is a statutory right, the decision taken by the voter is a facet of Freedom of Expression under Art. 19(1) (a). Fundamental Right of freedom of speech and expression under 19(1) (a) and statutory right under S. 79 of Representation of People Act is violated if right not to vote is denied. Thus the Court held that the Writ Petition is maintainable. The Court also relied on international principles governing the right to secrecy as an integral part of voting and free elections under Article 21(3) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 25(b) of the ICCPR.