Apparently, the current political chaos is a result of post-revolutionary disunity within the Orange teams, which gave new birth to this bad governance, failure to carry out promised reforms and transformations. Obviously, if orange leaders would keep their promises at least concerning the most salient issues (overcome widespread corruption, judicial reform and other governance issues which influence directly people’s well-being) there would not be such a disorder in Ukraine. However, as radicalism of new leadership was mostly on words and papers (not in actions), the Kuchma’s regime heirs make good use of it. For instance, one of the leading promises proclaimed during the Revolution, concerned imprisonment of corruptive high-ranked officials, oligarchs is power. None of mentioned was incarcerated. Instead, there were some practices against corruptive officials at local levels, e.g. rural leadership, for whom it is quite difficult to defend themselves from state machine where judicial system is so perverted, that it defends those big businesses in power instead of people. In such a way Ukraine is fighting corruption, accumulating the quantity of indicators (e.g. “we caught 20 corruption officials in a month!”). This situation results in people’s distrust, and provides those corruption high-ranked authorities an opportunity to thrive in their miserable activities. Why did not the Orange leaders keep that promises? Probably, that would also surround the members of revolutionary parties’ rows.
alleviation mainly focuses on economic development, income distribution, and distribution changes. Governance has an ability to influence and contribute to economic development and income distribution. The prominent market- enhancing government model seeks to improve the performance of marketplaces through „goodgovernance‟ changes, apparently to enhance development. „Pro-poor‟ good government changes maintain to improve scale and performance of service delivery to inadequate people. The best government approach to improving development is disputed. Neither theory nor evidence strongly supports the plausibility of significantly decreasing poverty through the good government agenda. Alternative government approaches for addressingpoverty are contrasted favorably with the currently prominent paradigm in Bangladesh. Good government is supposed to ensure civil, political, financial, social, and cultural privileges. The state must provide a framework of law and regulation within which individuals can exercise their rights and where these conditions are not in place, it is inadequate people who pay the price. Bangladesh is a nation where poverty is pervasive and good government is rare. Due to consider the importance of the issue, this study attempts to explore the effectiveness of goodgovernance for alleviating poverty in Bangladesh, drawing on relevant theories and empirical evidence from the country‟s various programs and documents. It also determines the link between goodgovernance and povertyalleviation.
5. Pragmatic Poverty Eradication Policies and Strategies. Essentially, Malaysia has followed the “Growth with Distribution” policy since the 1970s. This policy has been the thrust of macro-perspective policies such as the NEP (1970-1990), NDP(1991-2000), and NVP(2001-2010). In Malaysia, the uniqueness of this policy is in the affirmative action strategies, giving priority and emphasis to the indigenous or Bumiputra communities in terms of benefits of povertyalleviation and restructuring programs. Various socio-political and economic justifications may be given for this overriding strategy, which in the end benefits the nation in general in terms of creating a more balanced and just society. There was much debate on the possible trade-off between growth and equity, but Malaysia has shown that both growth and equity could be achieved with prudent and efficient management of financial, physical, economic and human resources. Here lies the critical role of state, especially through public sector management in ensuring goodgovernance and effective delivery mechanism of povertyalleviation programs. i) Growth Policies. Malaysia has always believed that growth is a pre-requisite for redistribution. Macro policies that have contributed to sustainable growth include (a) Structural Change and Diversification Policy that ensures smooth structural change of the economy from a commodity producer to industry and services producer. (b) Sectoral policies, including (i) Agriculture and Rural Development Policy with respect to food security and sufficiency, land development, land rehabilitation, rural development, National Agriculture Policies 1( NAP1, 1984-1991), 11(1992-1997), 111 (1998-2010),
I am of the view that the autonomy option is a significant initial policy response. In other words, despite its inadequacies, the autonomy formula embodied in R.A. 9054 can be taken as a good beginning of a work-in-progress, i.e., evolving a more responsive and durable formula that ensures the territorial integrity of the country and addresses the principal Moro grievances underpinning the conflict. It is a must that we fully utilize what we now have like the new autonomy law (RA 9054), the new ARMM and other autonomy-related institutions and resources at all levels of government. All doable and deliverable aspects of RA 9054 must be fully implemented. As to the items not addressed in RA 9054, like those matters associated with the cultural diversity of the country (such as the clamor for the broadening of the jurisdiction of Shari’ah courts, the provision of financial support for the
Women empowerment is the most important instrument for the socio-economic development of a nation. Bringing women into the mainstream is one of the major challenges for every government. Women empowerment has become a meme in the global governance network. In this context, Self-Help Groups (SHGs) have emerged as the tool that wields power to create a socio- economic revolution in the rural areas of our country. SHGs have not only produced tangible assets and improved living condition of members but also help in changing much of their outlook, worldview and attitude. Women in India are the victims of multiple socio–economic and cultural factors. Emancipation of women is a pre-requisite for nation‟s economic development and social upliftment.
Strategy 3: Empowerment of Poor Groups; The third principle is that the effort to empower poor people becomes very important to increase the effectiveness and sustainability of povertyalleviation. In the effort to reduce poverty, it is very important not to treat the poor as mere objects of development. The effort to empower the poor population should be carried out so that they can make an effort to escape from poverty and not fall back into it. Strategy 4: Inclusive Development; The Inclusive development as the fourth principle is defined as development that can involve and give benefits to the entire community at the same time. Participation is a keyword of the entire development implementation. Facts in various countries show that poverty can only be reduced in a dynamically growing economy. Conversely, stagnant economic growth can almost certainly lead to an increase in poverty. Growth must be able to create large numbers of productive employment. Furthermore, it is hoped that there will be a multiplier effect on the increase of income on the majority of the population, improvement of living standards, and reduction in poverty.
This study examined the income generated from conservation relative to the costs incurred by the communities and investigated the governance of the income received by the VC. The main conclusions are that very little of the income reached the com- munities and virtually nothing reached the households. In Serengeti the situation was worse as nothing has gone to communities or households for several years. In con- trast, communities are paying a heavy price for conservation due to the loss of agri- cultural and grazing land as well as the destruction of crops and livestock by wild animals. In extreme cases people sometimes lose their lives from attacks by wild animals. In addition, there is generally poor governance of the funds received at vil- lage level. A small team of about 3 to 4 people allocate the money in the way they wish. There is no participatory planning and quite often gender inequality. The expen- diture did not tally with the income received and there was no satisfactory explanation for that.
An aspect of social power discussed by Blau (1964a 133-35) is that it diminishes with use, especially when Person has only a small margin of power over Other. One of the more interesting, and puzzling, aspects of resource exchange I encountered in the blocks, was the RWOs (and AHOs) giving excuses to ER.DP beneficiaries to legitimise their illicit requests for money. These officials have adequate power vis-a-vis the poor to withhold the resource if it is not paid for. Why, then, do they use excuses they do not really need? The answer is related to the officials’ desire to maintain their power in a "positive balance" in their exchange relations with villagers. In Blau’s terms, the RWOs would expend some of their power every time they make unsubstantiated claims for bribe money. There is strength in this argument, in that the villager who has had to pay bold-faced bribes to the RWO (as opposed to paying him money because the policy rules require it), is less likely to do the RWO the favour of putting money into a smallsavings scheme. Gouldner (1960: 176) adds another perspective to this argument with his discussion of "status duties:" "the norm of reciprocity requires that if others have been fulfilling their status duties to you, you in turn have an additional second-order obligation (repayment) to fulfill your status duties to them." Every time an official asks for a bribe which is obviously a bribe, he is acting against his "status duty" (which is still perceived as providing policy resources free of charge), thereby absolving the bribe-payer from any further obligations to him.
Throughout the textbooks you may also find a view that a broad understanding of legislation undermines the role of law, combining laws and subordinate acts. The broad understanding of legislation is the way to attenuate the law, to substitute it with mana- gerial decisions (Livshits, 1994). Interesting is the position of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine set out in the decision № 12-рп/98 of July 9, 1998 as for the term of “legis- lation” (Constitutional Court of Ukraine, 1998). According to this decision of the Con- stitutional Court, the concept of “legislation” covers the laws of Ukraine, international treaties Ukraine in force declared binding by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine as well as resolutions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, decrees of the President of Ukraine, decrees and resolutions of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine approved within their competence and authorities and pursuant to the Constitution of Ukraine and the laws of Ukraine. Thus, the concept of “legislation” does not cover regulatory acts issued by central executive authorities. That is, in our opinion, not sufficiently justified, since the acts of the highest body of executive power are covered by this concept. However, proceeding from the approach of the theory of administrative law which does not lodge the state administration with the powers to adopt subordinate legal acts, empowering it to concentrate its efforts on executive activities related to application of laws and issue of individual administrative acts of personified nature exclusively (Halunko et al., 2018) it can be argued that such a position of the Constitutional Court actually sup- ports this approach. At the same time, we consider the practical implementation of such an approach in our state to be impossible at its present development stage.
Despite comparative literature on governance structures and social determinants of economic growth and poverty, the governance matters to development have been marred with number of short comings. Cross- sectional studies proven that goodgovernance matter for economic growth have been challenge on the grounds of reverse causality problems (Chod and Calderon 2000). Attempt to addressed causality problems has been marred with measurement error (Knacks and Keefer, (2003), missing variables Gleaser et al., (2004), conceptual vagueness (La Porta et al., (2004). The weakness of these types of cross-sectional regression exercise pointed out by Quibria (2006) in his now famous paper “Does Governance matter? Yes, No or may be some evidence from Developing Asia. The main reason why cross-sectional studies fail to capture the nuances of interactions between governance and economic growth is because the model was developed based on the implicit governance model which exist only in institutions available in Western richer countries.
Povertyalleviation is a serious business in under-developed and developing countries of the world. Nnamani (2003) noted that Nigeria is fully identified as sitting uncomfortably in the bowels of poverty and so earned 154 th of 172 countries in the World Marginal Index (WMI). In 2010, Eyuiche categorically asserted that poverty persists in Nigeria due to economic backwardness; occasioned by low labor efficiency, factor immobility, limited specialization, in occupation and in trade, economic ignorance, values and social structure that minimizes the incentives for sustainable economic change. Poverty affects almost every nation developed and developing alike. The difference is the type of poverty a nation faces. Some nations face absolute poverty while some others face relative poverty. Absolute poverty according to Agbionu (2013) is a state where majority of the citizens do not afford the basic necessities of life while relative poverty is a state where an aspect of the population are affected by poverty due to one reason or the other which ordinarily should not have been so. Anambra State where Awka belongs can be seen to be facing relative poverty and women who have been naturally made to be more in number than men in many nations of the world where Awka belongs can be fashioned to
This is partly due to divergent average returns on the type of microenterprises operated by each gender. Women are more likely to engage in the production of beverages and foods, beauty salons, and tailoring of clothing which have lower returns than activities undertaken by men such as retail, automobile repair, and the manufacture and repair of wooden and iron products. Another reason for the low returns is the fact that women operate their microenterprises from their homes, while men normally operate outside the home. Men are therefore in contact with a larger and more dynamic range of customers, whereas women are dependent on the demand from their local areas. This is significant especially considering that microentrepreneurs often live in neighborhoods with a high density of poverty. It is essentially a question of whether the entrepreneurs’ clients can afford to purchase the products offered (Javier 2004:26).
There are constraints for effective implementation of poverty reduction programmes in Nigeria, which include corruption and mismanagement, ineffective targeting of the poor leading to leakage of benefits to unintended beneficiaries, poor design and implementation, deficient infrastructural facilities, poor funding of programmes and political and policy instability (Obadan 2002). All these point to bad governance and over-centralisation of power which have become the bane of the country. Because of the different and numerous interests in the country, it is difficult to carry out a holistic and comprehensive poverty reduction programme that would fit and satisfy the six geopolitical zones. Although some pocket successes have been made in areas of agriculture, education and provision of primary health care, poverty still remains high in the country. Each government that comes into power relegates what the previous government has started. The constant change in poverty reduction programmes does not allow the people to completely embrace the policies and for the policies to make the expected impact. The gimmick on poverty eradication has become the campaign slogan and means for government officials to enrich themselves at the expense of the poor. In some cases, the philosophy behind these programmes is of little or no relevance for the people. For example, some states of the federation empowered their unemployed graduates with Keke NAPEP and as road sweepers. Even the federal government vouched to give unemployed youths monthly stipends. Innovative as these may seem, they simply impoverish not only the pockets of these poor people who
Although, income poverty has declined significantly at the all–India level, the decline has not been uniform across rural and urban areas. The poverty reduction in urban areas has usually been sharper than that in rural areas (which is home to nearly 67 percent of Indian population). Since economic planning, main object of government of India has been lowering of Indian poverty. For this purpose recall, heavy expenditure was made during each plan. But on the basis of 30 days in 1999-2000, 26% of Indian population remained below poverty line. In actual fact, percentage of poverty in 1973-74 was 54.9%. It came down to 22% in 2004-05. Main reasons behind it are a fall in percentage of poverty in both rural and urban sectors. During these years, poverty percentage has come to a less than half. In 2011- 12 it came down to 21.9% of population was below poverty line.
Actually, the above are the part and parcel of the ailments and features of what is obtainable in Nigeria. There is denial of opportunity and choice of work, education, place of settlement andregular violation of human right by the leaders and the people. The average populace is not fully empowered to have a say on issues and policies affecting them. Inability to secure enough to feed self and family members have resulted to upsurge of different forms of crimes such as obtaining by tricks, robbery, corruption, ritual killing, kidnapping, prostitution amongst others. The situation compelled few Nigerians to accept being refugees in another country even when there is no war.In addition, the land ownership system cut-off many Nigerians from access to land for farming or erecting a living batcher and embargo on public sector employment in some establishments, poor infrastructure, non-conducive environment for business activity, epileptic power supply, lack of portable water, low investment in the country gave rise to inability to secure a job or delve into business so as to generate income to improve living standard. Besides, no bank credit facilities to assist indigent students or local entrepreneurs who want to improve education or business venture. Hence, the people of the country are caught up in the vicious circle of poverty.
It is important at this juncture to throw some light on the endogeneity problem that arises due to possibility of joint causality between poverty and crime. This has been addressed by researchers in numerous studies mainly focussing on crime deterrence variables such as expenditure on police force or number of police officers. Activities by poor people could be more likely criminalized because they lack power to influence criminal law compared to the wealthy people who can lobby to avoid their acts to be criminalized. In this scenario, inevitably there will be a high correlation between poverty and crime. If the criminal justice system is subject to such manipulation (which could be a result of rampant corruption and red-tape) then poor will more likely get convicted than the wealthy for the same underlying act. In this study, however, this problem is not relevant because criminal law is taken as exogenous in the model. Quality of legal system is taken into account to control for any association between crime and poverty due to poor and inefficient criminal justice system. Moreover, it was found that the pair- wise correlation coefficients between poverty, inequality and crime were small and rather insignificant. To consider any association between crime and poverty arising due to gap between rich and poor, income inequality is included in the model. Nevertheless, this relationship might be more complex than anticipated and such issues which lie in the purview of the political economy of criminal law (which could itself provide an explanation for this) are outside the domain of this paper.
However, it was only towards the late 1980s, that there emerged a need to define the different dimensions of poverty. While implementing centrally sponsored povertyalleviation programmes, the Urban Basic Services for the Poor (co-funded by UNICEF and the Government of Kerala), and the Community Based Nutrition Programme (co-funded by UNICEF) in 1987-88, the Kerala Government had to conduct surveys in selected towns and villages so that the benefits of this project could be directed to the poorer households. On the basis of this survey, a set of nine criteria were identified with which the poor could be identified: (1) substandard house or hut; (2) no access to sanitary latrines; (3) no access to safe drinking water; (4) family having at least one child below five years of age; (5) family having at least one illiterate adult member; (6) family getting barely two meals a day or less; (7) family having alcoholics or drug addict; (8) family having one or no earning member; (9) socially disadvantaged groups such as SC/ST (Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes). In 1992, this 9-point criterion was used to identify the poor in Alappuzha Municipality and later in 1994, was used as criteria for all urban areas in the state. According to this approach, a household was considered to be in ‘risk’ if their responses satisfied 4 out of the 9 criteria. Concurrently, in rural Kerala, particularly in the economically backward district of Malappuram, the concept of neighbourhood groups (NHGs) was being experimented. As part of a community based nutrition and povertyalleviation programme funded by UNICEF, poor women were encouraged to save and lend by forming NHGs (John 2009).
Whilst the above mode of analysis provides explanation for rise in poverty during 1990’s, there is also a need to disentangle the effect of structural adjustment from the inher ent limitation of the overall dispensation of the country. A case in point is that of failure of investment to rise, the basic factor which explains low growth. Of course this can be attributed to the inconsistency of the policies along with law and order situation but these can not be regarded as the off-shoot of the structural adjustment program. Similarly, massive reduction in public sector expenditure is more a failure of the state to generate resources because of the particular compositional specifics of the society than an effect of the transition of the economy under the structural adjustment. Obviously, there is a need to mount more investigative pursuits with a view to understand the given constellation of the power brokers in the country and their impact on the poor, through the choices they make. Few if any research endeavour has been made to understand the power play and assess the sustainability of the interventions through critical scrutiny of their financing mechanism both in case of the Macro or household level. Most of the poverty estimates at the level of household exclusively focus on consumption expenditure with little investigation of the financing mechanism. This glossing over of survival strategy of the poor leads to equate those who have been out of poverty clutches at a point of time because of distress sale of their assets or through reckless borrowing resulting into high level of indebtedness, with those who have regular and permanent sources of income. This argument is equally valid for country level study too, because in general the sustainability of pro poor interventions has not been reckoned by researchers. An intriguing fact of the history is that Pakistan was successful in reducing the poverty level during the periods when the country received massive funds from abroad(1980s and 2000-2006)It is also not coincidence that during these periods the country was under the non democratic dispensation. In other words whatever the povertyalleviation occurred was not indigenous and hardly enmeshed with the dynamics of growth.
As an innovative povertyalleviation theory, Precision povertyalleviation is far from enough in terms of research breadth and depth, and there is a big gap be- tween theoretical research and practical operation. At present, some scholars analyze and study the dialectical thinking logic of Precision povertyalleviation from the perspective of philosophy. For example, Xie Pingan’s Philosophical Thinking On “ Precision PovertyAlleviation ” describes the specific meaning, characteristics, methods and practical significance of “Precision poverty allevia- tion” from a philosophical perspective . The author also thinks that accurately grasp internal cause and external cause for povertyalleviation, the poor people and the poor areas is the internal cause, support units, cadres and policy is the external cause, “only to catch the regional poverty internal cause, both the ex- ternal cause at the same time, by flexible and reasonable measures, suit the re- medy to the case, can really make in the phase of poverty population out of po- verty.”  It from the particularity of contradiction and all from the reality to discuss the precision of povertyalleviation philosophical method. Some scholars think about Precision povertyalleviation from the perspective of theory and re- ality. For example, Wang Sitie believes that Precision povertyalleviation is a po- verty alleviation method that USES scientific and effective procedures to pre- cisely identify, precisely assist and precisely manage poverty-stricken objects ac- cording to different environments and conditions of poverty-stricken farmers in different poverty-stricken areas . Li Kun, Ye XingJian in Precision PovertyAlleviation in Rural Areas: Theoretical Basis and Practical Situation Analysis claim that accurate povertyalleviation of poverty reduction concept such as is both a pro-poor type means of poverty reduction from traces the rights poverty of theory and inclusive growth poverty concept, the concept of participatory po- verty alleviation, and collaborative anti-poverty theory, trickle-down theory and pro-poor theory, and pay attention to the cooperative povertyalleviation mul- ti-party participation, coordination . Wang Sangui and Guo ZiHao believe that the most basic definition of Precision povertyalleviation is that poverty al- leviation policies and measures should be Precision at the truly poor families and population, and various factors and obstacles leading to poverty should be fun- damentally eliminated through Precision assistance to the poor population, so as to achieve the goal of sustainable povertyalleviation .