Kamali states the “fatwa under the Shari’ah is a vehicle that facilitates the free flow of thought and expression in religious issues, whereas now it has in many countries become an instrument of restriction on freedom of expression in religious matters” 42 in the contemporary Muslim world. The offices of muftis are manipulated by the states, particularly since colonisation. Under the state, particularly undemocratic ones, the autonomous legal tradition of Islamic law transformed to legalisation of state ideology with an Islamic mask and legalised guilt by association. Further discussion of this point is outside the scope of this article. However, what can be seen is that guilt by association is not applied just between two different adherents of a religion, it is applied amongst adherents of the same religion.
The promotion of an enterprise culture begins by reinforcing the importance of consumer sovereignty, which was already extremely prevalent in marketing discourses about the culture of consumption, but also includes the notion of a consumer who is morally responsible for his choices, something that is still rarely discussed in these same discourses. Consumer sovereignty therefore became ‘the link between freedom and dynamism. The model of consumer choice came to be seen as the most adequate model for all forms of modern citizenship and social action…’ (Slater, 1997: 37; the author’s italics). However, this empowered consumer had to be equally willing ‘to take risks and to accept responsibility for his actions...’ (Keat and Abercrombie, 1991:3). Benevolence, moral conscience and a sense of the common good, the basic pillars of the conservative reaction found in the history of liberal philosophical thinking (Andrade, 2011), also begin to form part of this new neoliberal conservative turnaround, especially in the reform programme proposed by Margaret Thatcher based on the following principle: ‘Economics are the method. The object is to change the soul’ (Heelas and Morris, 1992: 8).
In this article, I critically deconstruct three compelling arguments regarding the impact of digitization on the future of freedom and the workplace. It is argued, on the one hand, that digitization would decrease costs, increase productivity and ‘lift all boats’ toward the universal goals of freedom and prosperity for all. On the other hand, it is claimed that digitization produces precarious labour and technological unemployment, thus widening the already gaping inequalities. A third argument revolves around the emergence of a post-capitalist economic paradigm on the model of the Collaborative Commons, supported by the Internet and free/open source technology. It is argued that the Commons favours democratic self-governance over hierarchical management, access over ownership, transparency over privacy, distribution of value over profit maximization and sustainability over growth at all costs. I conclude that the Commons has, indeed, a potential in creating a freer and more sustainable economy. However, for the Commons to expand and prosper, a global institutional reform is sine qua non.
The issues of guilt, shame and blame raised in this review may be construed as having limited applicability and transferability to other areas of trauma due to the unique disfigurement endured with a burn injury. However, these emotions are reported in other areas of disease and trauma and importantly, the literature surrounding aspects of guilt, blame and shame are embedded in those affected by sexual abuse which although a form of trauma cannot be viewed with the same perspective as those affected by burns. Despite these limitations, one can make conclusions about the perceptions and experiences of the cohort represented in this review and provide some tentative support for strategies in the early stages of burn rehabilitation to prepare survivors and their family for experiences of guilt, blame and shame to ensure effective self-management and facilitating resilience. Further research is recommended to explore psychological care for burn survivors and their care givers that address the issues of parental guilt and blame, ruminations of guilt and shame and body image.
Consequently, I researched the experiences of PwD and discovered that within the qualitative literature feelings of guilt were well documented (Pearce, Clare & Pistrang, 2002; Ward-Griffin, Bol, & Oudshoorn, 2006; Werezak & Stewart, 2002). However, I was also confident that I wanted to complete a quantitative research project. I was more familiar and confident with quantitative research methods, using SPSS, statistics and the reporting of the ‘significance’ of results. The security and certainty that quantitative methods provide appealed to me. There are rules to follow, the analysis is either right or wrong, results are either significant or not. I recall sitting in teaching on qualitative methodologies and feeling a strong aversion to what I thought at the time was the subjectivity of qualitative analysis. I remember feeling perplexed at how conclusions and implications could be drawn from a researcher’s interpretations and ‘subjective’ analysis of participants’ experiences.
Depression appears to be somewhat epidemic in the modern world. In prior empirical studies we found depression significantly associated with empathy-based guilt, empathic distress, and an overly active or misattributing moral system. In this study, we compared 98 Buddhists, who were primarily Tibetan medi- tation practitioners to 438 non-Buddhist, non-practicing community adults on a measure of depression along with measures of maladaptive guilt, empathic distress, anxiety and altruism. Our findings demon- strated that practitioners were significantly lower in depression, pathogenic guilt, anxiety, and empathic distress, and significantly higher on agreeableness, conscientiousness, openness to experience and com- passionate altruism directed towards strangers. Intensity of practice significantly correlated with positive outcomes. In addition, we found that within the population of Tibetan Buddhist practitioners, those who endorsed the statement that the goal of meditation was other-focused (for the benefit of all sentient beings) were significantly lower in depression, empathic distress, and anxiety, and significantly higher in cogni- tive empathy (perspective-taking) compared to practitioners whose goal of meditation was self-focused.
battered women. They identified four primary factors of guilt; emotional distress, hindsight bias and responsibility, wrongdoing by violation of personal standards, and lack of justification for actions. The TRGI was found to correlate with PTSD and failure to adjust post-trauma. The findings support conceptualising trauma-related guilt as multidimensional and indicate the predominance of the role of cognitions within trauma-related guilt. However, clinical observations revealed that the multiple sources of severe combat related guilt were regularly undetected and therefore not treated. As a result Kubany, Abueg, Kilauano, Manke and Kaplan (1997) developed the TRGI – War-Zone version. The main intention was to raise awareness of war- related guilt so clinicians were better prepared to assess and treat sufferers. In the TRGI – War Zone Version there are 121 questions specifically related to events occurring in theatre. Questions relate to acts committed, omitted or witnessed in relation to comrades, enemy forces and innocent civilians. This is no doubt a better and more valuable tool for clinicians working specifically with combat personnel and a review of the literature suggests there appears to be no other tools of significance available.
Predictions for PB95 and PB00 diverge in opposite directions if players have social preferences other than RDA. Figure 1 illustrates by plotting the ranges of equilibrium proposals compatible with the four families of social preferences. This shows how the joint analysis of PB95 and PB00 disentangles these theories. To understand the divergence of predictions, let us first consider FS inequity aversion. Utilities are denoted as U (x, y,z), where x is the payoff of the player in question, and y, z are the interchangeable payoffs of his opponents. If guilt is limited as usual, β < 1/2 = 1/(n − 1), all proposers pay the value y that is necessary to buy one vote and keep the rest to themselves. As a result, equilibrium proposals have the structure (24 − y,y, 0), where y is the transfer necessary to buy a vote. In equilibrium, the utility of the recipient of this transfer equates with his continuation
Thomas (2018a, 2018b) I reported on an investigation of the affordances present in primary- level classrooms and compared them with various tertiary-level settings. This line of work began in Osment and Thomas (2017), where my colleague and I designed a basic rubric for assessing classroom affordances. The Classroom Affordance Assessment Rubric (CAAR) is little more than a crude tool for teachers and students to assess the affordances of their classrooms and is not recommended for serious researchers. However, its aims are still relevant in that it helps to stimulate discussion regarding classroom affordances by assessing the four aspects of Affordance Noticeability, Affordance Accessibility, Affordance
The purpose of the present study was to investigate whether deontological and altruistic guilt could be induced separately, through appropriate stimuli (facial expressions and content- specific statements). We aimed to investigate whether guilt emotions could be differentiated on the basis of an intrapsychic (deontological guilt) and an interpersonal (altruistic guilt) per- spective. Indeed, our three experiments showed evidence of different guilt expressions, which might be evoked separately. We showed how the appropriate association between specific statements and congruent facial expressions selectively elicited different types of guilt. In the first two studies different emo- tional induction procedures were used. In the first one, facial expressions were followed by deontological or altruistic state- ments, while in the second, and most effective, procedure sen- tences were shown first, followed by facial expressions. Finally, in the last study, two other set of emotional stimuli (represent- ing angry and sad emotions), and an additional neutral one, were introduced in order to confirm the specific selective effect of guilt and other-than-guilt emotional responses.
As a psychoanalyst, Bion was of course influenced by the foundational work of Sigmund Freud. Yet more important to the development of his group theories than Freud’s intra- psychic model was the work of his analyst Melanie Klein. Klein’s theories provided the conceptual bridge with which others like Bion could link the individual’s unconscious experience with theories about group behavior. Klein (1985) had hypothesized that guilt and a desire for reparation was a 'part of normal development' (p. 12). She observed that 'the irrevocable fact that none of us is ever entirely free from guilt has very valuable aspects because it implies the never fully exhausted wish to make reparation and to create in whatever way we can' (p. 15), supporting guilt as an 'instinctive' emotion (Miller 1989, p. 40). Two Configurations of Mental Activity
Guilt is a negative emotion focused on one’s past behavior, and, in particular, on social transgression (Tangney et al. 1996). Guilt seems to shape human behavior in two ways. First, the anticipation of experiencing guilt can influence actors’ choices as to whether to commit a transgression. Empirical work demonstrates that guilt proneness in humans decreases the likelihood of social transgression (Svensson et al. 2013), and increases prosocial behavior, including altruism and cooperation (Malti and Krettenauer 2013; Regan 1971; Ketelaar and Tung Au 2003). Secondly, the actual experience of guilt after committing a transgression can lead to confession and to reparative behaviors like apology, gift giving, acceptance of punishment, and self punishment (Silfver 2007; Ohtsubo and Watanabe 2009; Nelissen and Zeelenberg 2009). Expressions of guilt also influence the behavior of interactive partners. Actors who express remorse are more likely to be judged guilty of committing a crime (Bornstein et al. 2002; Jehle et al. 2009), but their punishments tend to be reduced (Gold and Weiner 2000; Fischbacher and Utikal 2013; Eisenberg et al. 1997).