Top PDF Hobbes, metaphor and political thought

Hobbes, metaphor and political thought

Hobbes, metaphor and political thought

This P o p p e ria n im p u lse w ith in p o litic a l philosophy t o m irro r i t s m eth o d s on t h e p h y s ic a l s c ie n c e s c a n b e a t tr ib u t e d , i n p a r t, t o t h e i r com m on o rig in s i n W estern philosophy. From t h e G reek s t o t h e l a t e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry , p o litic a l th e o r is ts th o u g h t o f th e m s e lv e s p rim a rily a s n a t u r a l ph ilosop hers, a n d th e n s e c o n d a rily a s p h ilo so p h ers o f c iv il s o c ie ty . The im p u lse w as t o l o c a t e a sin g le un ify in g c a u s e o f e v e ry th in g , w h e th e r t h a t th in g w as co m p o sed o f a to m s , m onads, ra tio n a lis m , g e o m e try , o r God, a n d th e n t o e x p la in t h e p h en o m en a o f t h e w orld w hich w as g o v ern ed by th i s s in g le u nifying lin k . A lthough so m e , lik e A ris to tle , c o n te n te d th e m s e lv e s in e x p lic a tin g a w orld d e p e n d e n t upon t h e d iv isio n s o f la n g u a g e an d o f t h e s e n se s, o th e rs , lik e T hom as Hobbes, s t a r t e d fro m t h e p re m is e t h a t t h e w orld w as co m po sed o f m a tte r in m o tion , an d th e n d e riv e d from th i s sim p le p re m is e a n e la b o r a te th e o r y o f c iv il s o c ie ty . F o r a lm o s t a l l o f th e s e th in k e rs , m e ta p h o r w as c h ie fly s e e n a s a lin g u is tic d ev ice; f o r A ris to tle i t w as p le asin g t o lis te n t o ; f o r H obbes i t s e x c e ssiv e u se w as q u ite d ang erou s; f o r L ocke i t w as a n u n p ard o n ab le a b su rd ity .
Show more

283 Read more

Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought

Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought

This article has shown the dynamic relationship between the notions of nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought. Given that commonwealths are in a state of nature, they face a constant threat of wars of aggression, and ultimately have to rely on their own resources to defend themselves. Sovereigns, in particular, have to fear for their lives and liberty, as they are likely to be specifically targeted at war. Furthermore, Hobbes suggests that rulers can only enjoy relative security as long as their states are well ordered and powerful enough to deter foreign invasions.
Show more

20 Read more

A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

A Set of New Interpretations in Political Thought

DOI: 10.4236/oalib.1103888 7 Open Access Library Journal In Tractatus Politicus, Spinoza first sticks to his naturalism and determinism from Ethics, spelling out there implication for politics. There is no covenant, and no choice of a regime, as all unfolds from the determinism of nature, or “God” as Spinoza says. Spinoza is not a contractarian philosopher. The state is not based upon any contractual choice but upon natural necessity. Just as an indi- vidual is driven by the ambition to survive—principle of conatus, so groups of individuals do the same also when they constitute a dominion, or common- wealth. Just like human beings, they augment survival capacity by employing reason, informing the political authority to promote general well-being, or face competition from another commonwealth. Spinoza rejects any choice of opposi- tion or rebellion against the political authority, claiming that people are “bound” to obey. However, such a duty cannot be housed within naturalism. Here, Spinoza breaks with Hobbes.
Show more

17 Read more

Consent and the basis of political obligation with reference made to Thomas Hobbes and John Locke

Consent and the basis of political obligation with reference made to Thomas Hobbes and John Locke

Unless one clings to the strict Kantian position outlined above, it is generally accepted that although one must intend to fulfil one's commitment at the moment of promising, one is sometimes free to reassess at a later point whether one ought to follow it through. Individuals differ concerning the extent to which they feel it is ever right to break a promise, even if it is generally thought to be intrinsically bad to do so. All would agree that the action of breaking a promise requires justification, and that the reasons given for failing to fulfil a commitment must be powerful. One should be able to show that the new course of action is morally preferable rather than simply a more convenient option. An act-utilitarian would have little difficulty with the idea of breaking a promise so long as the consequences of doing so brought about more utility than pursuing the option of keeping the promise. But even a non-utilitarian can have some leeway.
Show more

415 Read more

The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The best efforts of the five most influential contemporary schools of Western political theory, then, have failed to produce a satisfactory philosophical response to the accusation made half a century ago by Koselleck, to the effect that much modern political thought is in fact profoundly anti-political since it tends to subsume the political under the moral. As I said at the beginning, however, there are several British scholars whose recent work on how the political is to be studied illuminates more clearly the direction future research should take. Foremost amongst them are Michael Freeden at Oxford, Raymond Geuss and John Dunn at Cambridge, and Margaret Canovan, formerly of Keele University. Since Freeden’s work provides the most systematic response to the problem, it provides a convenient jumping board for constructing an agenda for that research involving ten key requirements.
Show more

22 Read more

Consent, Consensus and the Leviathan: A Critical Study of Hobbes Political Theory for the Contemporary Society

Consent, Consensus and the Leviathan: A Critical Study of Hobbes Political Theory for the Contemporary Society

Total and absolute obedience is expected of the subjects after the social contract. Hence there is no right to dissent; the minority must join the majority’s opinion. Resistance to sovereign by a citizen is illogical to Hobbes. In the first instance, it would amount to resistance to himself and secondly to resist is to revert to independent judgment, which is the experience in the state of nature. Therefore, the power of the sovereign according to Hobbes must be absolute in order to secure the conditions of order, peace and law which are the major aim of instituting the commonwealth. At this juncture, it must be noted that the key point for Hobbes is that the author- ity of the state is justified. It is justified on the premise that citizens have consented or agreed to accept this au- thority. In virtue of this agreement, citizens are now bound to obey. But there is a problem with this conclusion, for instance, it can be critically pointed out that very few people have “consented to” or “contracted with” the sovereign to obey his law, then, why should the contract to which the original contractors consented to be binding on their descendants? F. A. Adeigbo (1995) observes some possible ways to tackle this criticism as put forward by some philosophers.
Show more

7 Read more

Machiavelli and the Foundation of the Modern Political Thought

Machiavelli and the Foundation of the Modern Political Thought

stated that the notion of expediency cannot act, alternatively and permanently, be contrary to its nature. It means that the expedience cannot adhere to another expediency because of its incapability, if it could act according to the necessities of the time, it could be possible by either applying fundamental changes in its traditional theories, which it is taken from the new theoretical foundations, or, because of contradiction and accident, or, in another world, is a reaction emanated not from the theory of ex- ploratory logic, but from practically imposed logic. In Machiavelli‟s political thinking, we are not acting passively against the time events, but active- ly create it. A politician is the one who is along- side the time impression, and not its follower, and since the time impression is always changing, a keen-and wise king, the main actor, is the creator and is inside the changes, not outside them. In one sense reality in Machiavelli‟s thinking is not only the “fact” or a tangible and stable issue, or is not something with external being, but it can get actu- alized, only if it changes to the “factor”, i.e., an actor whose nature is not formed with beings, but the one in which logic of manifestations is an in- dispensible part of realities, because in the domain of political action any power which is effective in manifestation of changes and powers- even the appearance or the appearing logic which is more effective than the real action, is the reality of the happened event (Ibid: 489).
Show more

10 Read more

Capitalism's alter ego : the birth of reciprocity in eighteenth century France

Capitalism's alter ego : the birth of reciprocity in eighteenth century France

While grappling with these methodological challenges, I stumbled upon Google Books Ngram Viewer and discovered that the term “ réciprocité ” gained currency in the very period I was studying. In examining its early uses, I discerned meanings and tensions that resonated with the ones I had encountered in the theoretical lit- erature on gift giving and reciprocity. It struck me that we are still entangled in phil- osophical knots formed more than two centuries ago. By unpicking those knots — by historicizing reciprocity ’ s meanings, uses, and political implications — I aimed to dis- cover patterns in how social relations have been understood since the Enlighten- ment. At the very least, I hoped to understand how the concept fi gured in the French Revolution. Did notions of reciprocity shape revolutionary ideals? Did the revolu- tion reshape notions of reciprocity? With these questions, I abandoned the search for reciprocal social practices and set out to historicize the concept.
Show more

43 Read more

Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons

Visual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons

These trends are normally explored in light of comparative politics debates on democracy and democratization and of objective data (such as voter turnout, number and size of political parties), attitudinal data, and expert assessments of democratic procedures, content and outcomes. In this article, by contrast, we examine various dimensions of authoritarian rule from the perspective of political aesthetics and through a critical visual analysis of political cartoons. We use the concept of visual metaphor to understand how political cartoons contribute to making an abstract, yet powerful concept like that of authoritarianism both visible and intelligible to a broad public and, in doing so, also communicating a political stance on various aspects of this phenomenon, including but not limited to leadership, restrictions on press freedom, and violence.
Show more

26 Read more

An early European critic of Hobbes's De Corpore

An early European critic of Hobbes's De Corpore

philosophy and psychology. He also seems to have certain religious commitments. He was that is to say, a Belgian Catholic, who appears to have had a university education, possibly at a Jesuit College. 18 Given his particular discussions with Harvey while he was in Oxford it is possible that he had some medical training. He was clearly not put off by the innovative nature of Harvey‟s doctrines, and apparently he was initially attracted to Hobbes‟s work because of its promise to simplify and clarify philosophical language. Moranus read Hobbes‟s dedicatory epistle eagerly and with pleasure because it promised to „banish from philosophy words and alien concepts introduced by those who are excessively metaphysical, that is to say, when they lack substance and injure the truth.‟ This, Moranus says, accorded well with his own disposition. 19 However, he is soon disturbed by Hobbes‟s dismissal of contemporary scholasticism and the fathers of the Church who had introduced „many false and absurd doctrines out of the metaphysics and physics of Aristotle‟ which – Hobbes claimed – had been noxious to Christianity, and his championing of modern natural
Show more

17 Read more

A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

John Calvin, a Frenchman, who was born in 10 January 1509 in Noyon Diocese (near to Paris). His father was clerk in financial affair of local Diocese. Young Calvin, educated to Paris University and after end of his course in Latin Grammar, entered to College de Mon- tague as assistant to Maturin Cordia and after (McGrath, 2005: 99). His extensive study in field of civil law, make him familiar with thought that later when he has been known as crusader, used these thoughts. He studied Greek language in Orleans and in 1529, un- derstanding of Andre Alessati reputation (Italian Great Jurist) went to Burges. After his education in law course, returned to Noy- on for his father’s decease, but local council of Church excommunicated him and for this, he return to Paris to continue to his studies, but attract strongly to reformation thoughts of Looter, that newly has been paid attention by people. This is while authorities seriously hated him.
Show more

23 Read more

Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

important considerations and marginal restrictions. If for any justifiable or unjustifiable, wanted or unwanted, right or wrong reason, researchers focus on issues other than his research, the process of innovation will be interrupted or stopped. One of those issues is exercising too much care when confronting holy texts. Researcher would believe that since he is talking about the political thought of Islam, and his study is rooted in Islam, then anything that he writes is continuation of Islam and viewpoint of Islam, and therefore, he would believe himself unconsciously to be interpreter of divine revelations. Therefore, this will cause him to be very cautious and when talking about every issue, he will try to find scholars of the past who would uphold his viewpoints and avoids talking about anything about which he has the least suspicion or suffices to general topics about which a consensus does exist. Opposite to jurisprudent, which considers itself to be official spokesman of Islam and announcer of the edicts of God and dares to issue orders in the name of God. the type of caution exercised by philosophers with regard to political thought of Islam is incompatible with the main spirit of research and would prevent researchers of political thought to introduce novelties in full and without apprehension. The main solution to this problem is that researcher should consider his discourse as having root in his own ideas and viewpoints. He must note that despite efforts made to keep his viewpoints in line with Islam and rooted in divine edicts, they are ultimately his viewpoints and he must communicate this point directly to his audience. Another solution is that the main orientation should be determined by Islam, but detailed and new issues should be designed and organized according to his own thoughts and let the readers know that they are his viewpoints.
Show more

10 Read more

Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

These then are the major statements of each concept. Ever 7 political theorist must at any particular point in his system opt for one school or the other, for it is not possible to. embrace all the elements of both in one consistent theme. Nevertheless there are writers who for one reason or another, have attempted to incorporate in their work elements of theory which upon closer inspection are revealed to have been derived from the opposite school to which one would normally assign the writer. In Aristotle's Politics. Books I - III, VII, and VIII belong to the Idealist school while Books IV, V, and VI were more concerned with empirical investigation .10 The di­ vine history and the profane history in Augustine's Citv of God are outlined in parallel, but are never fused. Marx has already been mentioned in this context as what Bluhm calls a "brldgebullder". That man such as the aforementioned should prove the exception rather than the rule, will become clearer as the features of each concept are applied to Relnhold
Show more

110 Read more

A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

historians 'read' and periodise medieval political ideas. Oakley argued that the rediscovery of Aristotle in the central Middle Ages, far from destroying 'traditional' theocratic modes of thought, permitted them to be restated and reaffirmed, not least because Aristotelian 'naturalism' in fact accommodated the supernatural. Oakley's re-reading, further, suggested the need to modify traditional periodisation, and particularly to reconsider the twelfth/thirteenth-century Great Divide in which earlier notions of a sacred and mystical cosmology allegedly yielded to a secular, rational and legal one, or in Canning's words (p. 110), 'purely religious and oral categories' gave way to 'a physical explanation of nature', but also an essentially monarchist (theocratic) political ideal came to be superseded by a constitutionalist one. Interestingly, revisionist periodising looks more needful now than it did in the '70s, thanks to work on sources hitherto largely neglected in the context of political ideas: on the one hand by the contributors to Wendy Davies and Paul Fouracre's edited collection, The Settlement of Disputes in Early Medieval Europe (1986), who insist that earlier medieval modes of legal and political thinking were no less, or more, rational than later
Show more

5 Read more

Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

By focusing on the primacy of securing order Williams rejects ‘the basic relation of morality to politics as being that represented either by the enactment model or by the structural model’ (IBWD, p. 8). Political moralism pays insufficient attention to the centrality of answering the first question in realistic terms and, more often than not, forgets the contextual and historically conditioned nature of judgements about what makes sense. Williams insists that ‘inasmuch as liberalism has foundations, it has foundations in its capacity to answer the “first question” in what is now seen, granted these answers to the BLD, as an acceptable way … but this is not the foundation of the liberal state, because it is a product of those same forces that lead to a situation in which the BLD is satisfied only by a liberal state’ (IBWD, p. 8). He puts this most schematically when he writes that LEG + Modernity = Liberalism. ‘Now and around here’ we only permit liberal solutions because ‘other supposed legitimations are now seen to be false and in particular ideological’ (IBWD, p. 8). This is markedly different from claiming that liberalism is the political expression of a set of timeless moral truths or that all previous legitimation stories were false. Williams accuses political moralism of forgetting this because it has an implausible understanding of ethics as a ‘mere moral normativity’, the result of the exercise of ahistorical reasoning. He holds that such views lack a theory of error that can explain ‘why what it takes to be the true moral solution to the questions of politics, liberalism, should for the first time (roughly) become evident in European
Show more

269 Read more

The Road to Nationhood: Amilcar Cabral's Political Thought

The Road to Nationhood: Amilcar Cabral's Political Thought

ties of economic, political, social and cultural life to which the people of Guinea are subjected reveal that the people are the target of one of the most violent and best organized exam[r]

7 Read more

The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat

The political and social thought of Jean Paul Marat

Wilkes by his actions and by his legal battles had confirmed important liberties? but his influence was more profound than this. Hebrought Parliament into great disrepute. He demonstrated by his actions its unrepresentative nature; its dependence on the Crown; its corruption and prejudice— facts known for decades? but never so amply demonstrated ; nor had the danger to personal liberty? so inherent in such a system? been so clearly proved. And the Wilkes agitation produced new political methods. The public meeting was born and stayed alive. The Supporters of the Bill of Rights Society was founded? the first political society which used modern methods of agitationpaid agents were sent round the country to make spee­ ches and the Press was deliberately and carefully exploited. Politi­ cal dissatisfaction was given strength? and coherence? by deliberate organization. Politics were ceasing to be a part of the social life of a gentleman. Organized public opinion had become a factor in politics? and its strength increased? as the government of George III was overwhelmed by problems too vast for its comprehension. ^
Show more

302 Read more

The political thought of Sayyid Quṭb

The political thought of Sayyid Quṭb

It has already been pointed out that most, if not all modern ideologies and movements appearing in the Western societies are revealed from their minds. The spirit of the West is dominated by materialism. Its thinkers, political and socib-economic leaders reject everything that does not have a direct bearing upon economic materialism and sexual desires. As a result, Darwinism, Freudianism and Marxism and other Western theories and social institutions are the

189 Read more

Coaching your thought: A Sapirian look

Coaching your thought: A Sapirian look

The language-thought relationship is not generally posed in the hope that someone will come up with a definite answer. What fails to direct unanimity among scholars was the very tension between the two schools of rationalism and relativism that has not yet dissolved. What prods Pinker (1994) to dedicate a chapter to the absurdity of Whorfian relativism is deeply rooted in the very tension between the two schools of philosophy (i.e., rationalism and relativism). Indeed, what put the rationalists and relativists in contrast is the notion of translatability. Rationalists, and among them universalists, do claim that whatever we say in one language can be translated into another. However, cross-linguistic differences reveal that the culture and environment where human beings are raised determines their thought patterns. And language and culture are not separate. In a sense, the type of input, for instance, affects not only the brain but also the thought. In the same way, language affects thought by creating new concepts and these concepts emerge through exposure to word. As languages possess different lexicons; then they come to possess different concepts.
Show more

8 Read more

Virtue in Machiavelli’s Political Thought

Virtue in Machiavelli’s Political Thought

Machiavelli moves away from this absolute defi- nition and sets out to analyze it (Denkis, 2001). The prominence and originality of politics is the underlying assumption of his analysis of virtue and within this framework he seeks to further de- velop the possibilities of the new king—which are the same as the context of the modern politics. After around two decades of serious political ac- tivities as a king counselor and diplomat, Machia- velli came to the conclusion that he has to open a new horizon in understanding politics. His aim was not to discover the regularities of politics, but rather to discover the possibilities and opportuni- ties in front of the king. A disregard of law which is of natural stability and essence drew his atten- tion to virtue. Virtue, unlike law, principle or reg- ulation is based on politics, change and particular- ly preparedness to make a change on the part of the king. Virtue sets aside the standards and ISOs which are fixed and eternal, and seeks possibili- ties. This does not mean anarchy but refers to the independence of politics against external con- stants. And of course, it has limitations of its own (Chisholm, Ibid: 19).
Show more

10 Read more

Show all 10000 documents...